

I offer thanks to my
friends,
relatives, and ancestors whose strength of purpose
led me to my own. A
special
thanks to my co-author,
Rev. Marilyn A. Riedel,
for her deep love and dedication to me and this project.
Without her tireless
effort and selfless interest,
this liberating history
of Oregon would never have been written.
![]()
My grandfather was Cabell Adair
Breckenridge
Patterson. He was called "Cab" for short. He married my grandmother,
Arseneon
P. Turƒƒeman. Their oldest son died six months before my mother,
Harriet
E. Patterson Hill (1847-1931), was born.
Cab Patterson's mother was a Quaker, Lovely
Truitt. The family moved to Kentucky from nearby Philadelphia where
they
first settled.
Grandpa was one of a family of six children.
He was a descendent of the 13 Patterson brothers who migrated to
America
during the time of American colonist William
Penn (1644-1718). The Pattersons were Calvinists.
In my family, the oldest son is always named
"William." Grandpa was named Cab because he wasn't the oldest son.
There was a William Patterson at the battle
of Valley Forge
(1777-1778)
who fought for Gen.
George Washington. He was a Continental who was enlisted for
the
duration of the Revolutionary War.
Lovely Patterson sent William, who was 12
years old, to Valley Forge to deliver socks, food and other provisions
to the Washington's soldiers.
Cab's son, William, moved to Kentucky, and
was a private in the War of 1812.
Grandma was an abolitionist. She begged
her spouse to free their slaves, and told them to get out of slave
territory,
as she saw trouble was coming.
One of the slaves became a good blacksmith.
He earned enough money to purchase his wife and son and fled to
Cincinnati,
Ohio. The family moved to Illinois to escape slavery in the South.
Mother’s family, the Turemans were Germans
who migrated to America when John
Q. Adams (1735-1826) was president. The large family settled in
Illinois.
My dad was Samuel Hill (1839-1916). He was
born in Kentucky, and was the son of Nancy Watters and Philip Hill. His
parents died when he was 12 years old, while the family was living in
California.
An uncle-in-law took all the property he could quickly sell and left my
orphaned family alone. Neighbors found some wild cattle to sell, and
gave
dad the money.
He started for Oregon with his pony, but
ran into three cousins when he stopped to camp along the trail. They
took
him back to California.
Later on, the applied for a donation land
claim in Oregon, but did not prove up on his claim.
He joined the Confederacy, and the last
letter from him was sent out secretly from Vicksburg
(1863). That battle, a Union victory, was the turning point of the
Civil
War.
Before settling at Beaver
Creek, near Seal Rock, he was hired by a woman to ferry her
cattle
across the river in Salem. He took land on the South Beaver side of the
hill next to Harriet Patterson's claim.
They were married after mother's brother,
Corlis "Ike" Patterson, was killed at South Beach while working for the
government on the jetties.
This particular Corlis was buried on the
old homestead; the others are buried at Fernridge Cemetery, Seal Rock.
Waldport
Waldport, a small maritime community
surrounded
by thickly wooded hills, is located on the south shore of Alsea Bay in
what was part of the Coast Reservation.
David
Ruble (1831-1907), who founded the community, was born in
Monongalia
County, Virginia, December 11, 1831. When he was four, his parents,
Elizabeth
Irons (1796-1890) and Thomas Ruble (1797-1857), migrated to Wabash
County,
Indiana, and lived there until the spring of 1853 when Ruble, who was a
miller, crossed the plains to Oregon with his older brother, William
(1822-1905).
The brothers were married to sisters, Orlena
(1834-1911) and Ruth Russell. William was among the few travelers that
could provide a horse-drawn carriage for his wife. Normally the women
walked
the 2,000 miles to Oregon at about 15 miles per day.
Both families took up Donation Land Claim
about four miles west of Salem in the Eola
Hills. In 1872, Orlena and David moved to the Alsea Valley
where
David erected a gristmill and later a sawmill on the North Fork of the
Alsea. After a flood there, the family moved on the coast and
established
Waldport.
David and Orlena had nine children. Their
choice of names broke with the ordinary: Marion (1855-1935), Victoria
(1857-?),
Arizona (1858-1918), Orange Judd (1861-1926), Marshall W. (1862-1955),
Eldorado (1865-?), Arsina (1868-?), Mary Levina (1870-?) and Martha
(1872-1965).
The Waldport area was not opened to
settlement
until 1875. During several years before he moved to Waldport in October
1879, Ruble freighted flour and grain down the Alsea in the flat boat
he
built. In all, he is said to have made 67 trips.
Ruble donated land for a church building,
making it the first Church of Christ or Christian Church on the Oregon
Coast.
Charity Arizona (1860-?), daughter of Elma
Ruble (1824-1914) and Andrew Jackson Rose (1819-1892) wrote in her
Memoirs,
The Rubles have, as a rule, been religious people to whom we can look back with pride. We never knew of a Ruble being intoxicated or of begging his daily bread, although but few have aspired to much wealth.
Waldport (Port of the Woods) was so named
in the 1880s at the suggestion of Paul V. Wustrow, then postmaster at
Alsea,
about 19 miles southwest of Philomath. Col. Wustrow was a well-known
character
in the Alsea Valley of European birth and up-bringing, but it is not
known
whether he was Russian or German. He held the position of postmaster
for
nearly a quarter of a century, from March 30, 1876 until May 28, 1898.
Collins post office, on the north side of
Alsea
Bay, was established January 31, 1875, with Matthew Brand
serving
as postmaster, and the Waldport office was established June 17, 1881,
with
David Ruble in charge of the office.
When Ruble became postmaster of Collins,
the site moved from the north to south shore of Alsea Bay. Ruble lost
the
position on February 23, 1882, and the Collins post office moved back
to
the north shore. A few months later, on August 15, 1882, a new post
office
was acquired for Waldport on the south shore, with Orlena's father,
Thomas
Russell (1819-1894), serving as postmaster. Russell previously served
as
first postmaster of the Alsea office, which was established July 14,
1871.
Ruble succeeded Russell as postmaster of the Waldport office on
September
27, 1883.
Early settlers in this Alsea River Basin
were Germans who came for the brief goldrush then stayed to develop the
timber industry. The winter of 1879-1880, Ruble and others washed
$1,700
in gold dust from beach sands.
When the townsite was platted in 1884, the
streets of Old Town were laid out by the stars, without benefit of a
survey.
The City of Waldport was chartered in 1890.
Alsea Bay Bridge, the longest cement-poured
bridge in the world, it was torn down in 1992.
William Pope McArthur gives Alseya on his
chart accompanying the report of the US Coast Survey for 1851, and the
name Alseya Settlement appears on the Surveyor General's Map of 1855.
The
legend stretches along Alsea River, which rises in the Coast Range and
flows into Alsea Bay at Waldport, and the center of the settlement is a
little to the west of the present community of Alsea. The name has many
variations, but there is no doubt that it was originally pronounced
with
three syllables, and not with two as at present.
Originally a stronghold of the Alsi,
a Yakonan tribe that lived near the mouth of the river, the
quiet
beach town of Waldport also has had incarnations as a goldrush town and
lumber port. A point south of town bears the name of Chief
Yaquina John, one of the last members of the Alsi.
Waldport’s history is written in a hundred
years of forest products. Until the last two decades, fishing and
dairying
were also active. The area once had several sawmills and salmon
canneries.
Logging still prevails as an occupation, but no sawmills remain in the
area. At one time, Waldport even started its own railroad and was
accessed
by train. The line was built in 1918 by the US Army to log spruce that
was used to build airplanes during WWI. After the war ended, the line
was
acquired by the C. D. Johnson Lumber Company, which used to log an area
south of town known as Camp One. When the logging was completed in
1935,
the railroad was abandoned. Mid-century, Waldport was manufacturing the
brightly colored cedar floats that mark the crab fishermen's nets,
which
resemble huge butterfly nets, with steel rings at the top and sinkers
at
the lower end, where bait is fastened. These nets were used near the
ocean
ashore and in the bays, while copper or iron crab pots were employed
farther
out on the banks. The Alsea Historical Society is currently working to
establish a museum dedicated to the local history.
Commercial literature about the place touts
Waldport's livability, suggesting that the town's "relative obscurity"
has spared it the fate of more crowded tourist towns. This may also be
explained by a nondescript main drag that gives no hint of surrounding
beaches and prime fishing spots. A recent influx of retirees has
spurred
new homebuilding, but this cozy little hamlet is decidedly low-key.
Agent Orange in Them Thar Hills 1970
It is hard to picture the quiet beach town of Waldport as the object of national media scrutiny, but it happened twice during the 1970s and again in 1997. During the 1970s, a Sixty Minutes investigative team came here to document the link between dioxin-based defoliants used in the area timber stands to eliminate blackberries, vine maples, and other vegetation that impede the growth of Douglas fir, to an abnormally high incidence of birth defects and miscarriages. This report and the ensuing government ban on this substance in Oregon forests took on national significance when soldiers exposed to ill-effects of the same chemical (Agent Orange) in Vietnam were denied compensation by the Pentagon.
Heaven's Gate Swings Wide Open at Waldport 1975
But this wasn't the only occasion that Waldport basked in the hot glare of a national media spotlight during the 1970s. A 1975, New York Sunday Times article described a bizarre UFO cult's recruitment of followers here to undertake a rendezvous with a spacecraft that would transport them to a higher place of existence. Walter Cronkite, John Chancellor and the like followed up with TV coverage. Their leader, Marshall Herff Applewhite, exhorted the faithful to give up their possessions and depart Oregon for Colorado where the ascension was to take place. The same Marshall Applewhite resurfaced in the spring of 1997 at Gold Beach on the South Oregon Coast, and the town, like Waldport, gained international recognition following the Heaven's Gate suicides in Southern California. Mark Miller of Newsweek reported that
in March 1997, "some followers of Heaven's Gate embarked on a bus trip to Santa Rosa, California, and to Gold Beach, Oregon, the place where cult leader Marshall Applewhite first found his calling in the wilderness. They continued on to Ashland, Oregon, and Sacramento, California, running up more than $2,000 in hotel bills."
The cult's mass suicide in Southern California prompted another media explosion with reverberations felt in Waldport. Broadcast media from Dateline NBC to Good Morning America interviewed locals here for impressions of the deceased, as a stunned and curious nation looked on.
Sinking of the Atalanta Commemorated 1998

On November 17, 1998, people from as far away as Australia, England and Canada gathered at Tillicum State Park in South Lincoln County to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the sinking of a British clipper off the coast near Waldport. Fr. Gerald Steckler of Saint Anthony's Catholic church in Waldport blessed the stone and plaque placed in the park in memory of the 23 seamen, including the Atalanta's captain, who died November 17, 1898. The Atalanta had stopped at Tacoma, Washington, and was heading south for a run to South Africa with a cargo full of wheat, when it went aground off the coast. John McMahon, a descendant of one of the three crew members to survive the wreck, Frank McMahon, gave a brief speech. A proclamation from the mayor of Sydney, Australia, the city from which the ship had set out, was also read. Among those attending were Waldport Mayor Phyllis Boehme, Yachats mayor Arthur Roberts and his wife, Fern Roberts, and Lincoln County Commissioner Nancy Leonard, as well as Port of Alsea Manager Maggie Rivers and Doris Tai, a representative of the US Forest Service, who arranged for the plaque and memorial stone.
Beavers and Beans

Author of "Beavers and Beans:
Helen Virginia Smith Lewis Hanson
(1917-2004)
Truly this is a wonderful state, for Oregon is a virgin country, so to speak, as yet not greatly changed by the ways of men. Her farmlands are fertile and productive, her forests plentiful and abundant. Its many rivers are a potential source of water and energy, gnawing their courses through soft earth and solid rock. Beneath the surface its minerals have scarcely been tapped. Along her lower coastline stretch countless miles of rugged wilderness on which humanity has little more than glanced. In the eastern portion are her wheat fields and grazing lands, though thousands of acres lie unused, impotent and uncultivated, begging for fertility which only water can bring them. Its resources are many and varied. Beneath the bosom of her snow-capped Cascades lie the secrets of the ages that man can only presume. The lava beds of the central part are mute testimony of the eon of belching infernos which were volcanoes. The tons of massive boulders found in various regions rolled and stacked by superhuman force bear evidence of erosion and time. The fossil beds of its far eastern portion verify humanity's legend and beauty and promise, it lies, geographically old, historically new, but scarcely awakened and yet unexploited. ...
The Egg and I
Two amateur paleontologists have
discovered
a 40-million-year old fossil egg, the first ever discovered in Oregon,
according to William Orr, director of the state museum of fossils, the
Condon
collection, housed at the university.
Jim Leary of Cottage Grove discovered the
egg, slightly smaller than a hen's egg, while fossil collecting with
his
brother-in-law, Kevin Benson, near Vernonia
west of Portland. Though the egg has a shell less than 1/32-inch thick,
it remains nearly intact, with only minor deformation.
Orr says his initial examination indicates
it is probably an ancient bird egg. The prehistoric egg comes from what
is known as the Keasey formation, a layer of sedimentary rock deposited
during the late Eocene epoch, about 40 million years ago. Keasey rocks
of volcanic ash, formed from some of the earliest debris from the
infant
Cascade volcanic range, were laid down in marine continental slope
waters
far from shore, at depths exceeding 1,500 feet.
"But this is quite mysterious," Orr
explains.
"Normally we would associate an egg with coastal environs. It is
puzzling
to find one so far from the shoreline in deep water volcanic clay
stones."
To identify the specimen, Orr and Mike
Shaffer,
research assistant in the University of Oregon Department of Geology,
examined
the eggshell using a scanning electron microscope. They found a typical
porous surface and crystalline, layered cross-section. These
micro-structures
usually indicate a bird egg, possibly that of a pelican.
"Fossil eggs are very rare," Orr says. "Egg
structures are inherently fragile and designed to be broken after a few
weeks or months. That any egg survives for the millions of years it
takes
to become a fossil is truly remarkable."
Prehistoric eggs that do survive are rarely
found, Orr notes. Because they appear similar to rounded stream
pebbles,
fossil eggs usually go unnoticed, even by seasoned fossil collectors.
Still, many collectors think they have found
fossil eggs. Hopeful collectors have presented Orr with hundreds of
"egg"
fossils for identification. All previous specimens have turned out to
be
non-organic stones or "concretions," he says.
Having been generally categorized, the Leary
egg next will be CAT-scanned and X-rayed using the facilities at a
local
hospital. This will determine the extremely unlikely possibility that
the
shell bears an intact preserved embryo. Finally, if owner Jim Leary is
willing, Orr will send the egg to get a more specific identification
from
a paleontologist who specializes in eggs.
Orr and his wife, Elizabeth, co-authors
of a number of books on the prehistory of Oregon and the Pacific
Northwest,
are just completing a new book on the fossils and paleontologists of
Oregon.
He expects to make this newly discovered egg a centerpiece chapter.
Bridges and Beams
After a scant month in Salem, we got
orders
to move to Waldport.
"Oh, Lew, aren't we lucky?," I asked airily,
peering over his shoulder while he charted our next day’s journey via
the
wandering black lines of a road map spread on the table. "You job's a
magic
carpet that whisks us merrily over the countryside, and those tiny
names
printed on the map will become creeks and mountains and rivers and bays
and towns. And besides that, it provides us with the ways and means."
"For gosh sakes! Let the air out of that
cloud and come on down to earth, Gin, and if you know of any place
where
we can trade Josephine in on a second-hand magic carpet, we'd better do
it before we start," Lew stated pessimistically. "Look!"
And his pencil came to rest on a green blob
on the map indicating the mountains of the Coast Range. Then, it moved
on to an inch of broken line, which, he explained, meant secondary
highway
and which could (and subsequently did) mean graveled road in poor
condition.
With all of Josephine's rattles and knocks
and four smoothie tires, Lew continued, "We'll be mighty lucky to wish
ten miles out of town without trouble."
We packed our vases and ashtrays again and
tied the paraphernalia which could not be loaded into the back seat
onto
Josephine's running boards. The next day we started out behind the
state
truck, with one of the other crewmen following behind us in his car. We
had left the town five or six miles behind, when the other driver
started
honking loudly and gesturing in sign language. Lew, who was used to the
crew’s practical jokes, only laughed and said, "They're making fun of
our
good looking automobile. It probably does look like a refugee from a
tin
can factory."
But the honking grew louder, and the
rear-view
mirror showed the gestures were becoming more frantic; so Lew pulled
over
to the next curb and found the rear wheels were all but off—rolling two
feet out in space from the fenders. We had evidently lost a simple
little
thing called a pin. Another half a mile and we would have been in a
very
embarrassing predicament—no wheels! We pulled into a nearby garage for
minor repairs and continued to Waldport without further casualty.
Waldport is a tiny seacoast town nestled
close to the Pacific where the Alsea River empties into the ocean. We
rented
a little cabin along the dunes where we could look out and see the
breakers
creeping in and smell the salt air and the pungence from the small
wharves
where daily, fresh fish and crabs and clams were available.
The crew was scraping and painting a bridge
located ten miles south of Waldport. It spanned a small river whose
ample
and sandy banks made an ideal picnic site, and tourists often stopped
there
to swim or lunch or loaf in the white sand. The crew's foreman, who the
men affectionately called "Minnie," considered himself to be Oregon's
gift
to the "gentler sex." It there were any women—large or small, blondes,
brunettes or redheads, old or young—sited within a radius of a mile,
Minnie
went into his act. On the highest four inch brace of the bridge he
would
perch precariously on one foot, or sing a song in a loud nasal tenor,
or
dance a jig or whistle, which no doubt made an impression on the crew.
One windy day, a couple of
"beautiful-but-dumb"
females scantily clad with scarcely enough cloth between them to flag a
handcar, were trying in vain to start a fire. Minnie hurriedly grasped
this golden opportunity to play “boy scout.” He hastily climbed down
from
his lofty perch, started whistling as jaunty as you please, and headed
for the river banks below and the "pretty, pretty" girls.
When Minnie had all but reached his
destination,
one of the men watching from atop the bridge yelled out, "Hey, girls,
you're
having such a bad time starting your fire, so I'm sending one of my
boys
down to help you." With that he removed his cap, threw it in the air,
and
caught it, bowing politely when the girls waved to thank him. Minnie,
less
his enthusiasm, started the fire.
There was no variety of diversion in this
tiny town. The entertainment was the one and only theater featuring
tender
sagas of murder-in-three-easy-lessons, and blood-and-thunder Westerns,
which neither Lew nor I could endure—even as a last resort. For
week-end
diversion, we made exploration trips of the near-by country. We visited
the lighthouses and aquariums and the small neighboring towns and drove
down the coast to the Sea
Lion Caves, a maternity home for sea lions. They came each year
by the thousands to these caves to bear and rear their young.
One hazy Sunday afternoon we chose to follow
a dirt road on the north side of Yaquina Bay. It meandered through
acres
of farmland, passed farm houses and barns and fields pasturing dairy
herds,
and spiraled down a steep hill toward the mud flats of Alsea Bay. After
following the river upstream a short ways, the road came to a dead end.
We turned around and headed toward town, but we had reckoned without
the
mud, for the hazy sky had clobbered up and the rain came drizzling
down.
A wet clay road provides about as much traction for four "smoothies" as
a glass one would, and we were ascending a steep hill by the ingenious
process of lunging forward a foot at a time and sliding backwards two
feet
at a time. Though we were getting nowhere fast, we had crept half-way
up
the hill and were rounding a bend in the road when Josephine stalled,
skidded
across the road toward the embarkment, and there her left rear wheel
and
fender came to rest snugly against the rut.
Lew got out to look the situation over,
and I bailed out immediately with the baby. Brakes or no brakes, I
wasn't
taking any chances on Josephine staying put, and a little rain wouldn't
dampen my spirits half as much as an unchartered flight backwards into
the bay.
Doubtless, Lew could have solved the
situation
by backing down the hill, but besides losing all the ground we
previously
gained, that could have proven as dangerous as sliding down a greased
flag
pole blindfolded, in view of the fact that the clay road was wet and
slick
and getting wetter and slicker by the minute.
We were standing there trying to find the
easiest solution to our perplexing enigma when a car chugged around the
corner and came to a clattering half after nearly sideswiping us. The
driver,
evidently a farmer from the locality, hopped out and freely offered his
advise. He must have had previous experience, for his car was equipped
with chains.
"Looks to me like you could go downhill
a heap easier'n you can get started uphill," he calculated. "Might as
well
let 'er slide down to the bottom and take yer chance goin' across the
bay
on the railroad trestle—the loggin' train'll most generally back up for
a feller."
As the farmer chugged off, I looked out
across the Bay at the railroad trestle stretched above the dreary mud
flats
and wondered uncertainly what the outcome would be if a tie or two were
missing or the logging train would not back up! We gathered armloads of
fir boughs and ferns and spread them in and about Josephine's old
tracks.
At long last, after coaxing Josephine from one rut to another, we were
going uphill. Though Lew had cursed it for seven kinds of a "gutless
wonder"
with no more horsepower than a Shetland pony, with its four wheels once
more in the center of the road, it climbed up and up and over the hill.
We returned home—sadder and wiser and more than a little wet.
After supper as I was getting the baby ready
for bed, she wrinkled up her tiny nose and sneezed and sneezed. The
sneezes
were probably caused by lint from her fuzzy wardrobe, but at the time I
was positive she was taking cold from the exposure of the afternoon. I
knew so little about babies and had heard so much about babies and
pneumonia,
babies and congestion, babies and diphtheria or croup that her sneezes
suddenly produced a grave and realistic anxiety in my mind.
"Lew," I said, "we'd better doctor her right
away." Lew went to the medicine chest and returned with a bottle of
very
potent nose drops.
"If we just use a drop or two, these
shouldn't
hurt her," he said as he handed me the dropper.
I administered them by hastily and
forcefully
squeezing the bulb least the baby should start wiggling. Janet gasped
and
choked and screamed with rage. Lew had filled the dropper full, and I,
thinking it contained a mere one or two drops, had given her the works,
nearly strangling her to death.
"Lew! How could you!," I wailed.
The baby would not let me comfort her, and
though it was past time for her "Gin Fizz" she clung to Lew in
indignation
and screamed loudly if I dared take her.
"She thinks I did it on purpose," I said
sadly, "and now she'll always hate me—her own mother! It's a
psychological
matter!"
The "psychological matter" was dropped after
an hour or two, and she allowed me to nurse her. Everything was
forgiven,
and contentedly, she fell asleep in my arms. Incidentally, she didn't
develop
even a slight cold.
The Alsea Bay Bridge at Waldport
The old ferries along the Coast Highway
were
being replaced by gigantic bridges of steel and concrete. The Alsea Bay
Bridge at Waldport had opened the year before.
We drove to Newport for the grand opening
of the Yaquina Bay Bridge, and rode across the bay on the farewell
voyage
of the old ferry. It was a picturesque but sturdy old craft with its
weather
beaten cabin and its ample decks secured on all sides by protective
guard
rails. Once a vital link in the Coast Highway system, it had piled its
course faithfully across the Bay day after day, year after year, except
on those rare but tempestuous days when the stormy Pacific would fling
its wild breakers far into the river's mouth. The bridge overhead
shadowed
its path. The green waves lapped against its sides, and the white wake
trailed lazily behind until we docked on the opposite side of the Bay.
Like the other old ferries, it had been outmoded and would soon fade
into
obscurity, for progress cannot be thwarted by sentiment.
Here in the West a new era was beginning—an
era of progress and industry and steel. The bridge presaged its coming.
Built by the sweat and hands and plans of great and simple men alike,
it
majestically spanned the bay.
Yachats
Yachats is south of Newport, where the
Coast
Range presses closer to the sea, and commercial hustle gives way to
tidepools,
seal lions, and whales. Known as the "Gem of the Oregon Coast," Yachats
may be the perfect coast town. This tiny resort community of 600-some
people
nestled in the shadow of Cape
Perpetua is down close to the water, nearly buried in salal and
huckleberry. Yachats Bay gravels yield and abundance of agates,
flowered
jasper, blood stones and petrified woods Yachats is a corruption of the
Alsi word, yahuts, meaning "dark waters at the foot of the mountain,"
which
is certainly descriptive of this area where the Coast Range abuts the
ocean
in an unyielding tumult of relentless surf against basalt bastions. On
a calm day it can be an exciting contest to witness; in stormy weather
it is awesome. Consequently, this is a favorite stretch of coastline
for
watching winter storms.
Other spelling and pronunciations for Yachats
have included Youitts (Lewis and Clark Expedition); Youitz (Samuel
Drake's
Book of Indians of North America); Yawhick, and Yahauts (from various
Indian
Affairs reports); and Yahuts, Yahatc, Yahats, Yahach, and Yaqa' yik
(from
various history books). The current spelling and pronunciation
(Yah-hots)
is presumed to come from the German settlers.
Many people have lived here for the past
8,000 years; the remnant was removed to Siletz Reservation and is
virtually
extinct. The Alsi and Yahute tribes gathered, hunted, and fished the
Yachats
area. Shell middens, such as the ones by Devil's
Churn or the Adobe Motel, are a reminder of the bounty the
natives
found in the Yachats area. Middens, or piles of clam, oyster, crab, and
mussel shells, formed when, after a seafood feast, diners threw sand
over
the shells to lessen the odor. After many shellfish meals, the middens
resembled small dunes. They also caught salmon and flounder with sharp
sticks. Smelt was caught in dip-nets.
The fish and shell fish, together with
venison
and elk from nearby hills, were smoked or dried for the winter. Local
plants
were gathered and dried or ground for flour. The local vegetation also
provided medicines and materials for clothing and shelters.
The natives regularly burned the hillside
to ensure good hunting, a practice that was continued when non-indians
settled the area so they could have more grazing land for their
livestock.
While Indian campfires are gone now, the
legacy of the Alsi will live on forever as long as people come here to
gaze in wonder at sunsets and at the fury of winter storms.
Alsea Sub-Agency Established 1855
On August 11, 1855, an unratified treaty
created the Coast Range Reservation, and the Alsea sub-agency was
established
at Yachats. This was home to natives from many different tribes and
bands
from throughout Oregon and Northern California.
Board houses, cattle sheds, a blacksmith
shop, storage buildings for far tools, and fields for crops all
occupied
the area at Agency Creek, near the present-day Adobe Motel.
Some of the Indians also made a trail up
Yachats River and cleared land for farming.
Ida L. Case Ingalls (1871-1960) was born
at the sub-agency in 1871. The first non-indian child born in the
Yachats
area, she was the daughter of Mary Craigie (1848-1933) and Sam Case
(1831-1904),
then the current agent. Case served as agent from 1870 to February
1872,
then again from March 23, 1873 to June 7, 1873. He later moved to
Newport
and became very involved with the development of the town and
education.
One of Newport's schools, Sam Case Elementary, is named after him.
During the 20 years following the
establishment
of the Coast Reservation many changes took place. The reservation was
divided
when the center section, near Yaquina Bay, was opened to white
settlement
in 1866. In March 1875 the US Senate passed a bill that removed the
sub-agency
and granted land to all the indigenous peoples that wanted to
homestead.
Some chose to remain in the Yachats area, and they were "allowed" to as
long as they were able to support themselves.

In 1877 US Indian Agent William Bagley wrote
the following letter to the hon. E. A. Hayt, Commissioner of Indian
Affairs
in Washington DC:
I desire to again respectfully call your
attention to the condition of the Alsea Indians who are here, as well
as
those who are now at Alsea on leave of absence. We have found it
impossible
to feed any of them, except such as we can give employment or furnish
with
lumber for houses, and were left with the only alternative of allowing
them leave of absence to fish in the waters of Alsea where they are
acquainted
with the fishing ground and can more easily obtain their subsistence
than
here. Besides this many of them still own their own compunitively
comfortable
houses at Alsea into which they can go and find shelter from the storms
which for a few weeks past have been very severe.
While I deeply regret the necessity of this
course it could not be avoided unless by allowing them to suffer with
hunger
and cold. They should by all means be provided by government and
houses,
food and clothing this winter, and with some teams, seed and farming
implements
in the early spring so that they could during the coming year provide
their
own food for themselves. They do not give up their desire to remain
here
so as soon as they shall be assured that government is acting in good
faith
with them in the matter of allotment of land and assistance to
cultivate
the same, I respectfully ask that you will at an early day make such
provisions
as is possible for their maintenance and so forth. Unless this can be
done
it will not be possible to keep them on the reserve, except by force of
arms. They could be overpowered and starved to death on the reserve but
such a course would not be wise. I herewith send you a statement of the
number of Alseas who have voluntarily given up their claims to the
Alsea
Country and desire to find homes on this reserve with the amount
required
to furnish them with rations during the winter. Could we obtain one
half
the amount they are justly entitled to and in the spring provide them
such
teams, tools, seen, etc., as would enable them to provide for
themselves,
they would be comfortable and contented. Or could they be returned to
their
former houses and secured in the possession of them they would provide
for themselves. What can I do for them? Estimates have been sent to
your
office, from which I have no reply. Can you do anything to help us
place
the Indians of this reserve in a condition to support themselves and
this
soon bring them out of the slough of dispassion? Would that our
government
might deal justly with the Indians and thus save millions expended for
the prosecuting wars against them,. As there are no treaty funds for
this
agency we are dependent entirely upon the general incidental fund, and
hence plead earnestly to you.
On September 13, 1879, "Boston" wrote to the editor of the Gazette:
Some time since the citizens of Lower Alsea sent to Agent Swan, at Siletz, a numerously signed petition requesting him to visit the bay and confer with them in regard to removing straggling Indians to the agency. In response to the petition, Mr. Swan came and held a pow-wow with his dusky wards, but was careful to avoid giving a definite answer as to what he intended to do in the premises. Several of these Indians are holding valuable land claims, which they are not entitled to, as they have not, and can not comply with the law. If they were removed to the agency, where they belong, the land would be taken by white settlers, who would assist in building roads, establishing schools, and otherwise contribute to the prosperity of the country. The residents of the Alsea think that as the government has generously provided for the keeping of these Indians, they should be taken to the reservation, and we shall anxiously await agent Swan's decision.
From Ocean View to Yachats
Formerly known as Ocean View, Yachats is
located at the mouth of the Yachats, eight miles south of Waldport.
Ocean
View post office was established November 5, 1887, with George M. Starr
first postmaster. The office was discontinued September 27, 1893, and
reestablished
April 27, 1904. This early office was located about a mile north of the
City of Yachats, near the old reservation. Jenneta Kindred also served
as postmaster, and in 1912 the Ocean View office was moved to the
Hosford
residence, which was near the mouth of Yachats River.
The new post office was established October
13, 1916, with Donna Berry first postmaster. On February 18, 1917, the
name of office was changed from Ocean View to Yachats at the suggestion
of J. Kenneth Berry (1905-1931) because it was at the mouth of Yachats
River. It was decided that since there were already too many
towns
on the coast with "ocean" monikers, the name really should be changed.
Getting mail to and from Yachats was never
easy, and until the road was rocked in 1931, rains made it impossible
for
the mail to be carried by car.

Yachats on the
OregonCoast 1946
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
The Reverend Virgil Howell Remembers Yachats
The following account of Yachats was probably penned around 1930 by Rev. Virgil Howell (1880-1943):
It began to be settled by the whites
in...
Some of the early settlers was Ingram on the present Carson place,
Robert
Mann (1877-1945), Austin Howell, Bill Reeves, Harmon Buoy (1838-1903).
Ms. Buoey was the first school teacher.
The writer was one of her pupils. There was plenty of game then such as
bear, deer, elk. One day Will Buoy left the room and on his return let
the entire school go out to see the bear go over the mountain. You know
the song.
Well, the land wasn't surveyed yet, so the
settlers took what they called a squatters claim. And this meant that
his
family must be there continually for if they left for 24 hours the next
fellow that came along could move right in and take possession. Well,
this
was what happened to the writer's father. He, with his cousin Milt
Howell,
went out to Waldport to fish for the market one year. And on his return
found another man in his house. So he, with his family had to seek
shelter
elsewhere: there was just a horse trail up the river, so the only means
of transportation was on horseback.
The road wasn't built till in the 1890s.
Well, for all the handicaps the settlers visited more as the telephone
hadn't come yet. There was more harmony as the settlers exchanged work
more, had things in common.
Nearly everyone went to church. Well now
we have roads and have exchanged the old log schoolhouse for more
modern
ones. And with the coming of the Coast Highway there is a town
springing
up at the mouth of the river, with two churches, the Evangelical and
Free
Methodist, three grocery stores, two hotels, one bakery. We are much in
need of a garage, a doctor, a dentist.
We also have a good school. The climate
is fine, we have a fine bathing beach with fresh water in the river. So
one can choose between the salt water and the fresh. Plenty of rocky
coast
for fishing.
Mountain climbing near at hand. There is
opportunity here for dairymen and chicken raisers. Berry growers as
well
as professional men. There is a pool hall and a large community hall.
But the greatest sport of all is casting
for the royal Chinook at the rocks right in the surf. You get a thrill
you will never forget. We have rock oysters, mussels, crabs, clams, and
plenty of game in the hills.
The Yachats is growing by leaps and bounds.
There is a $50,000 hotel to be under construction soon and a golf
course.
Vacationers started coming to the Yachats
area in the early 1900s. While some camped near the mouth of the river,
others owned summer cabins. They came down the beach from Waldport, or
came over the Yachats Mountain Road.
In 1905 a chittem bark warehouse was
converted
to the Yachats Motel, and the tourist industry really began. In 1920
the
first cabins were built land others followed.
Little Log Church by the Sea
The rustic building at the corner of
Third
and Pontiac streets in Yachats has been a part of this coastal
community
for generations. When R. J. Phelps came to Yachats in 1926, he
organized
the construction of the first real church in the area. Built in the
shape
of a cross, the Little
Log Church was a community effort completed and dedicated in
1930.
Sir Robert Perks, who owned most of Yachats at the time, donated the
property.
Local people cut and hauled most of the shakes, and the logs were
donated.
The pews, window panes, and Bible came from a church in Philomath.
They were hauled over the Alsea Road and down the beach to Yachats.
The church was served by ministers through
the Evangelical
United Brethren Church Missions, and later by pastors from the
Presbyterian church. In 1969, when the congregation grew too large for
the building, members built a new church a few blocks away, and the
Little
Log Church and property were sold to the Oregon
Historical Society. It became a museum in 1970, and the site
was
deeded to the City of Yachats in 1896.
The church underwent complete restoration
in 1993, made possible by community support and volunteer laborers.
Some
of the original logs were saved and can be seen at the top of the
church.
Also saved were the bell and belfry, windows and sashes, flooring,
pulpit,
pews (some additional pews have been added to the west wing of the
church
sanctuary, chairs, wood stove, choir-rail, a painting of the three wise
men, and a harmonium. The church is used for weddings and special
events.
In 1997, the 400-square-foot museum annex
was built with the help of the Friends of the Little Log Church to
house
exhibits not connected with the original building. It sits in the
"footprints"
of the old church manse, later a Sunday school, which was torn down in
1976. Today, the museum houses local historical artifacts, local art
and
literature. Clothing and tools from pioneer days are on display at the
museum along with period furnishings.
In 1971, Alma Phelps Plunkett, who operated
the Burnt Woods general store and post office for many years, recalled,
My father, Rev. Rolla J. Phelps, moved to Waldport. He didn't have any kind of religious service at Yachats at all, so he got to thinking that he really ought to have a church down there. He and his brother got busy and started cutting logs. Roland Dawson in Upper Yachats helped them, as did a lot of other people. In 1927, they built the little log church which now belongs to the Lincoln County Historical Society.
Dunk Dunkelberger: Blacksmith Extraordinar
For many years "Dunk" Dunkelberger was a blacksmith at Yachats for several gypo logging outfits. One day a hobo entered the shop and asked for a job. Business was slack and Dunk wanted to get rid of the "bo" as quickly as possible so he told him that the job was his if he could make a three-way weld, a task that was considered impossible. Then Dunk went out to lunch chuckling to himself and expecting the tramp to be gone when he got back. The hobo was gone when he returned, but he left behind Dunk's duckbilled tongs neatly welded together about the horn of the anvil in a perfect three-way weld. It took almost tow days to saw and file the tongs from the anvil and retemper the horn.
Smelt Sands State Recreation Area
Smelt
Sands State Recreation Area is located at the north edge of
Yachats,
one of the few places in the world blessed with a run of oceangoing
smelt
that come ashore to spawn. From April to October, sea-run smelt hurl
themselves
up Yachats River, aiming straight towards locals with clever triangular
smelt nets and oily diets.
During the Yachats smelt fry held in July,
up to 700 pounds of this silver sardine-like fish are served on the
grounds
of Yachats School.
This is also the location of the well-known
sculpture by local artist Jim Adler that has become a symbol of the
Moon
Fish arts program in Yachats.

Smelt Fishing at
Yachats on the Oregon Coast
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Spruce Pacific Railroad 1918
Off Camp One Road north of Yachats, a
"Cullen-Friestedt"
Burro railroad track-laying crane sits on a small section of railroad
track
that was laid by an all volunteer track crew on the morning of July 1.
These new tracks, which came from Toledo,
sit on the ground where in 1918, the US Army Corps of Engineers
constructed
a railroad. Members of the Yaquina
Pacific Railroad Historical Society, an enthusiastic group of
Lincoln
County rail fans interested in exploring and preserving the area’s
railroad
and timber history, placed the latest set of tracks.
President Larry Reisch and treasurer Richard
Cullison, both of Yachats, described the history of the railroad in the
area.
"In 1918, the Army Corps of Engineers built
what they called the Spruce Pacific Railroad from Camp One north to
South
Beach," Cullison said. "The plan was to haul out the spruce wood they
cut
here and use it to build the planes for WWI. The train was the only way
out. It crossed over a trestle in Waldport on the way to South Beach,
since
there weren't really any usable roads. But just as they got it going,
the
war ended, and the tracks sat idle until 1922. Then Gordon Manary
bought
them, turned Camp One into a logging camp, logged the spruce, took it
to
South Beach via the train, and floated it upriver to Toledo to C. D.
Johnson's
sawmill.
"They ran the operation from 1922 to 1937,
and at one time, 400 people lived here in Camp One," he continued.
"They
had their own school and commissary—Manary's old house is still
standing.
They used a big engine to haul the timber to South Beach and smaller,
sidewinder
engines worked the spur tracks all over these hills, bringing the logs
into the main camp. There were miles of tracks everywhere. Camp One was
one of 12 logging camps scattered all over the area. The 12th one was
in
Siletz."
"It's fascinating to look at the connection
between the railroad and the timber industry in this area," said
Reisch.
"Our goal as the historical society is to bring knowledge to the public
of the major impact the railroad had."
Reisch said the historical society hopes
to build an interpretive center in Toledo.
"We were taken by surprise with an awesome
gesture by Bob Melob of Willamette
& Pacific Railroad, who donated the railroad post office
car
that has been sitting next to the platform since the opening party (of
the new Toledo post office) to us," he said. "He feels that with
appropriate
interior renovation, this car could be 'good to go,' on a variety of
assignments,
including public awareness of track safety issues through Operation
Lifesaver."

Logging in Oregon
Photo
Courtesy of Julie Hendricks
Cape Perpetua an Observation Site During World War II
Sea-going ships passed by the Oregon
coast
as early as 1543 when Bartolome
Ferrelo came this way. Sir Frances Drake (in 1575) and Martin
de
Aguilar (in 1605) also are known to have passed by. But Capt. Cook was
the first non-indian to really get credit for being in the Yachats
area,
although he was not able to land due to the rocky shore. He named Cape
Perpetua on March 7, 1787. Some day he name the 800-foot high cape
after
a saint whose birthday fell on that date, while other think it was
because
a storm and high winds kept them in the area for several days, with
that
particular headland in sight the whole time, perpetually.
Al;though there were native trails
interlaced
through Cape Perpetua, and a crude trail cut by early homesteaders for
carrying mail to and from Florence, the Yachats area was very isolated.
Then in 1914 the US Forest Service blasted a narrow road around the
cape
and a wooden bridge was built across the Yachats River, making travel
between
the Yachats area and Florence easier. The wooden bridge was replaced in
1926 with a steel structure built by Montage and Sons, at a cost of
$23,034.
As part of an effort to give men jobs during
the Depression, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was established
here.
A camp was built near the site of the current Cape Perpetua Visitor's
Center
and the men living there worked on many different projects throughout
the
area. Rockwork was one of the main skills they concentrated on; and,
the
rock walls around the cape, as well as the shelter built at the top of
the cape were projects completed by the residents of the camp.
During the early days of the war the shelter
built by the CCCs at the top of Cape Perpetua was used as an
observation
site and radar station. A large gun was installed, and personnel
looking
for submarines and aircraft manned it.
Foxholes and gun emplacements along the
ocean drive on the hill really brought the war close to home for the
locals.
Military personnel outnumbered the civilians, and it was rumored the
government
had spent a million dollars in Yachats installations.
The military personnel were housed in the
skating rink on West Fourth and the Ladies Club was rented for
recreation.
US Navy blimps from the Tillamook
Air Base patrolled the coast as well, looking for Japanese
submarines.
After the war quite a few Japanese mines
floated upon the beaches. The Coast Guard pulled them out to sea and
blew
them up.
Florence
Florence,
on the north bank of the Siuslaw, is a fishing town and the trading
point
for farmers of the small Siuslaw Valley.
The town is said to have been named for
A. B. Florence, who was a member of the state Senate at the session at
1858, 1859 and 1860, representing Lane County. According to another
story,
the town was named for the French vessel, Florence, wrecked February
17,
1875, at the mouth of the Siuslaw.
A more romantic and interesting version,
and one more fitting the character of a charming seaport, is that the
French
ship Florence went aground near the mouth of the Siuslaw in February
1875
and broke up in the surf. A piece of flotsam bearing her name was
washed
ashore, and two beachcombing Siuslaw hung it above the entrance of the
town's first hotel. Since then, the community has been known as
Florence.
In 1989, Betty Olivera wrote that two different stories offer the
origin
of the town’s name:
One suggests that the settlement was named in honor of A. B. Florence, a state senator from Lane County in the years 1858-1860. While that is probably true, it lacks the romanticism of the Siuslaw legend.
The Indian name Osceola
(1804-1838)—possibly after a Seminole chief of the 1830s—passed into
history.
Like many river communities, Florence, in
its early days, was dependent upon the Siuslaw for transportation and
commerce.
Row boats and "one-lungers," boats powered by one cylinder marine
engines,
were used to get around the valley. People traveled from home to home
and
back by boat. Errands were run, children taken to school, and parents
went
to churches and sociables in boats, frequently powered by the winds and
the tides. Mail, food, and supplies were delivered by boat. Highways
have
replaced waterways for such purposes, but Florence's river heritage is
still evident. Even as the town grows and spreads northward, it seems
to
cling to its moorings along the river's north bank. Florence was born
of
the river, and its first buildings were clustered along it. Several of
them still stand in the riverfront area known as Old Town. After years
of neglect and decay, much of Old Florence has been renovated and is
now
the most interesting part of the city.
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh
The Siuslaw
and Kuitsh
(often called Lower Umpqua) peoples were two closely related American
Indian
tribes who lived along the Central Oregon Coast, around the modern
cities
of Reedsport
and
Florence. The Siuslaw lived mainly around the estuary of Siuslaw River,
leaving during summer to travel upriver and into the hills of the Coast
Range. Kuitsh had their winter villages around Winchester Bay, at the
mouth
of Umpqua
River.
The whole coast held by the two peoples was about 50 miles in length,
from
Cape Perpetua in ther north to the Tenmile Lakes in the south. In
summer,
both people wandered probably as far as the Willamette Valley and there
is a tradition of a Siuslaw village in the Lorane Valley, southwest of
Eugene.
Kuitsh fishing camps were common up the Umpqua as far as the modern
town
of Scottsburg.
The indigenous landscape was very diverse.
The Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua rivers and estuaries were the dominating
factor
in the lower economy, providing fish and shellfish. Good fishing was
available
from a chain of freshwater lakes, including Siltcoos and Tahkenitch
lakes,
which lay behind a band of coastal dunes. The rivers provided a highway
into the Coast Range, which lay to the east of the tribal territories.
In the mountains, hunting and gathering were major summer activities.
The
whole landscape was heavily timbered, except along the sand dunes. An
underbrush
of alder and berry bushes was thick and luxurious, making travel
arduous.
To some extent, this also protected and isolated the Siuslawan.
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh lived in a mild,
rainy, marine climate with ample resources of fish, plants, timber, and
game. They followed a seasoned round of hunting and gathering, moving
each
season to harvest salmon, berries, elk and deer, camas bulbs, fern
roots,
and shellfish. Occasionally, they hunted seals and sea lions, and any
stranded
whale was eagerly rendered for blubber and oil. However, they probably
did not engage in open-ocean whaling or sealing.
Language
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh spoke dialects of the same language, called Siuslawan. The language is an isolate, with some affinities to the broad language family known as Penutian. It may be related to the Coos languages to the south, and the Alsea to the north, but no definitive conclusions have been reached. it is certainly a rich and complex language, but it is now extinct, and records are very sketchy. The last Siuslawan-speaking people were the Barrett family and Billy Dick of Florence, who was interviewed in the 1950s.
Technology
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh built large,
high-powered
canoes up to 20 feet long, carved out of cedar logs. They were mainly
for
river and bay travel, as open-ocean sailing was very risky. However, a
few ocean-going canoes were imported from the Alsea and Chinook to the
north, who specialized in such sturdy canoes. Lodges were
semi-subterranean,
up to 50 feet long, built of split and smoothed planks, with an oval
entrance.
The roof was gabled with a single-ridge pole. Racks along the ceiling
stored
dried food, baskets, tools, and personal possessions. The interiors
were
lined with mats. Sweat houses were often dug into hillsides. Basketry
was
ornate and prolific, but pottery was not practiced.
The Siuslaw toolkit included a wide array
of hunting, fishing and woodworking tools, including toggle harpoons.
Hunting
tools doubled as weapons of war. Bows were made of yew and vine maple,
and the Siuslaw held them at a horizontal angle to shoot. Like some of
the Athapascan
people to the south, elk-hide armor was used.
Clothing and Decoration
Clothing was appropriate to the season.
In
the warm summer it was minimal, but during rain or cold, tanned hide or
plant fiber clothing was worn. Men wore belted buckskin shirts and
leggings,
and water repellent capes or cattail or shredded bark were used during
the long rainy season. Women wore long fiber or hide dresses or skirts,
and flat-topped woven basket hats. Regalia and ceremonial gear were
signs
of wealth, and included woodpecker-scalp headgear, dance costumes, and
decorated belts and headbands. Moccasins were only used on long
trips—the
climate and landscape were so wet that bare feet were more practical.
Tattooing was practiced, especially among
women who marked their wrists and legs. The commonest tattoos were
lines
on the arms, as a ready-made calculator for measuring strings of
valuable
dentalia. Edward S. Curtis in 1923 photographed an elderly Tolowa man
(100
miles to the south) with these distinctive tattoos. Hair was straight
and
black, and men often wore bushy mustaches. Men and women were quite
short,
averaging from 5' to 5'6" in height.
The Siuslawan represented the southern limit
of the practice of distinctive head-flattening that was common along
the
Columbia River to the north, and by extension along the Northern Oregon
Coast. There is a tradition that they tried and failed to introduce
this
"prestigious" custom, which in much of the Northwest marked the
aristocracy
from the commoner or slave.
The Siuslawan were a well-nourished people,
probably in better health than 19th Century Europeans. Food resources
were
reliable and abundant, and supported a population of several thousand.
Starvation was seldom a problem, although there may have been some
dietary
deficiencies such as Vitamin C. More likely causes of illness and
mortality
were injuries from hunting and fishing, and possible from warfare and
interpersonal
violence. The population was much more disease-free than their European
and Asian contemporaries—there were only about a dozen important
infectious
diseases native to the Western hemisphere. Unfortunately, this also
meant
that any resistance to Old World pathogens had long since vanished for
the Siuslaw population.
Social , Political and Religious Organization
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh did not define
themselves
as a people in a political or even linguistic sense, in the way that
modern
nations and ethnic groups define themselves. Almost all organization
was
at the village level, which was based on related males, with their
wives
and children. Essentially, everyone outside the village was a
"foreigner."
However, women married outside their village, and each village had
extensive
relationships of marriage, trade and alliances with their neighbors.
Some
people probably spoke several of the nearby languages to facilitate
their
relationships, or used trade and sign languages. Villages combined to
meet
special threats like an alien slaving expedition or other regional
catastrophe.
Much of local life focused on wealth and
its acquisition. Subsistence was seldom a problem, and social ranking
was
largely determined by personal wealth, as represented by valued
possessions
such as dentalia (a shell money from Vancouver Island) woodpecker
scalps,
abalone and olivella shells, and decorated regalia.
Society was quite stratified, probably into
four classes. The elite were defined by wealth and its attendant
prestige,
and below them were progressively poorer people of lesser status. At
the
bottom were the slaves, who were rather few in this area. It was
possible
to fall into slavery from gambling debts, but only the wealthiest
people
held slaves. The Siuslaw and Kuitsh were often themselves raided by
other
peoples for slaves. Each village had a chief or leader, usually a
wealthy
and respected man who mediated village disputes, imposed fines, and
made
sure that wealth was distributed to the less fortunate. Bride price was
an important factor in setting one's status for life, and marriage and
its financial obligations played a very important role in stabilizing
and
integrating the society.
Little is known of Siuslawan religion, but
it probably closely followed neighboring Coosan forms. There were
shamans,
probably of two types: doctors who trained intensively to cure illness
through magic, and priestly shamans who elaborated various tribal
rituals.
Ritual purification was carried out for women after childbirth, at
menarche,
for anybody who had killed (in battle or in murder), or anybody who had
handled a cadaver. Both types of shamans were feared for their power,
and
were sometimes killed.
Dances, games and feasts were popular
activities
at various important times of the year, such as first elk and first
salmon
of the season. Winter was the season for story-telling, when the galaxy
of stories from the oral literature were recited for old and new
audiences.
Gambling, as in all of Western Oregon, was a serious pastime, using
beaver-teeth
dice; and shinny (a ball game similar to hockey) was probably played.
Recent History
Spanish and Asian ships may have
contacted
the Siuslawan in the 17th and 18th centuries. There is ample evidence
of
Chinese coins and pottery from the Northern Oregon Coast. Coos
tradition
recalls a visit from a Japanese junk, which returned across the Pacific
with some local people as passengers. One important geological event
took
place on January 26, 1700. A monster earthquake calculated at 9.0 on
the
Richter scale tore apart the pacific Northwest coastline from
Washington
state southwards. The effect on the Siuslawan is unknown, but probably
many villages were wrecked or inundated by tsunamis.
In the late 18th Century, British, Russian
and American traders appeared along the coast in increasing numbers,
introducing
iron and textiles, but also a wave of disastrous epidemics. The first
smallpox
appeared on the Oregon Coast in 1775, probably introduced by Spanish
sailors.
Another smallpox epidemic broke out in 1801, and from then on measles,
whooping cough, influenza, syphilis and dysentery visited the coast in
a deadly series. In 1830 a sickness now believed to be malaria carried
off thousands of Western Oregon people, and the Siuslawan population
may
have been halved again by smallpox in 1836, although at this point a
small
immunity was beginning to develop. Overall, population plunged from
about
3,000 to a few hundred in 30 or 40 years. The 1910 US Census reported
only
seven Siuslaw.
In 1828, the Kuitsh attacked and wiped out
the Jedediah
Smith exploring party at the mouth of the Umpqua, leaving only
three survivors. Around the same time the Siuslaw destroyed a Chinookan
slaving expedition. In the 1830s, huge forest fires devastated the
Coast
Range landscape, disrupting the local economy and resource base. By the
time the white settlers arrived in this area in the 1850s, the two
peoples
had been drastically reduced in number. Open warfare with non-indians
never
afflicted this region of the Oregon Coast, but the local tribes were
shattered
by the combined effects of epidemics, environmental devastation, and
cultural
extinction.
The Kuitsh were deported north to a desolate
reservation at Yachats in the 1850s, where they hung on in desperate
conditions
until 1875. The surviving Siuslaw mainly stayed in their home area, and
gradually their Kuitsh cousins filtered back to the Central Oregon
Coast.
However, language, culture, population, and native lifeways had been
terribly
damaged. Most of the survivors intermarried or were otherwise submerged
in the new non-indian culture. Tribal identity nevertheless remained
strong.
Periodically the Siuslaw and Kuitsh, in alliance with their Coos
neighbors
to the south, reached the United Nations, and relations with the
federal
government remained strained and litigious.
In the 1950s, the tribes were "terminated,"
along with most of the other tribes of Western Oregon. This meant that
they were no longer recognized as Indians by the government. However,
this
policy is now viewed as a disaster, and a trend towards recognition
began
in the 1970s. The Confederated
Tribes of the Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh), and Siuslaw were
recognized
by statute in 1984, with an enrolled population of around 500.
Invasion of Siuslawan Lands 1876
With the area thrown open for settlement,
white people began arriving in 1876. Mail service commenced in 1877
with
the arrival of William Moody in Florence. He used his trading center to
gather and deliver mail. Florence, still nameless, received its mail
addressed
to "Siuslaw River, Oregon Territory." The first official Florence post
office was established December 15, 1879, with Albert J. Moody first
postmaster.
William Kyle and his partner, Michael Meyer, established the first
mercantile
business in town, and the post office operated out of the store. The
store
still stands in its original location at the Bridgewater Restaurant. It
is a fine example of early commercial architecture.
In 1881, the Siuslaw Road Association formed
a group to construct a road to Eugene, 56 miles eastward in the
Willamette
Valley. Completed in 1881, the corduroy road was so rough, only the
stouthearted
dare ride the stagecoach. It is said many fainthearted passengers were
strapped to their seats to prevent them from leaping from the careening
stagecoach. The trip to Eugene took two days. The dearth of passable
roads
in the surrounding territory forced settlers to travel by boat. Travel
to neighbors, shopping, school, and social activities was accomplished
by rowing a boat up or down the streams. Travelers waited for the tides
to help push the boats to or from the activity. Caught on the river in
darkness or fog, the boatman dropped anchor and checked the tidal swing
of the boat to determine the direction home.
The town's first mayor was B. F. Alley,
a former state senator who introduced the bill to incorporate Florence,
which took place officially on April 19, 1893. Now, 100 years later,
Roger
W. McCorckle, a teacher in government studies for the local high school
and community college, begins his mayoral duties at the start of a year
long "Centennial Celebration," including a special weekend event in
April
and closing with a time capsule internment in December.
Florence, with a population of more than
300 in 1902, was the largest town on the Siuslaw and boasted a new
telephone
exchange. The building, still standing on Maple Street, housed the
switchboard
on the first floor, with quarters for the operators on the second
floor.
An electrical generating plant went into operation in 1912. The
railroad
reached Cushman about four miles upriver, in 1914.
Chinese Laborers Support Florence's Salmon Industry 1800s
Florence was the hub of the central coast fishing and lumber industry. The salmon canning industry, a $100,000 a year industry in the late 1800s, employed great numbers of Chinese laborers. They cleaned and cut the fish, cut the metal and formed the cans, soldered the lids shut on the filled and steaming cans. Most Chinese laborers lived in their own community.
Heceta Head Lighthouse Illuminated 1894
Continued recognition of the Siuslaw was
given by the introduction of bills by Senator Mitchell and Congressman
Hermann to provide $80,000 for the construction of Heceta Head
Lighthouse,
located about 12 miles north of Florence on the west side of the
1000-foot-high
Heceta Head (44° 08' 15"), 205 feet above the ocean. The light at
the
top of its 56-foot tower was illuminated in 1894. Now, its automated
beacon
can be seen 21 miles from land and is rated as the strongest light on
the
Oregon Coast.
In the fall of 1889, Hermann visited Eugene
and promised to exert his influence towards obtaining a livesaving
station
at the mouth of the Siuslaw and the establishment of regular mail
service
between Eugene and Florence.
Finally, on May 31, 1890, a dispatch from
Hermann stated that Congress had appropriated $50,000 for beginning a
jetty
at the mouth of the river. Eleven months later the representative
announced
that the Siuslaw project was being prepared by the chief engineers.
Great indignation was aroused in Eugene
in June 1891, when the engineers' report stated that the Siuslaw was
not
worthy of improvement at the time. Eugene citizens sent protests to
Washington.
In August, representative Hermann announced that the engineer had
overestimated
the cost. Shortly afterwards the work was ordered to commerce. This so
thrilled George Melvin Miller, brother of the poet Joaquin
Miller, that he rode to Florence on horseback to deliver the
good
news before the mail could bring it, and was eventually instrumental in
the development of the town.
Heceta Head
Lighthouse on the Oregon Coast
Cincinnatus Hiner Miller
Cincinnatus Hiner Miller (1837-1913) was
born in Union County, Indiana, November 10, 1842. His parents moved to
Missouri in 1848, and to Oregon in 1852. The poet tells the story:
"The first thing of mine in print was the
valedictory class poem, at Columbia College, Eugene, 1859. At this
date,
Columbia College, the germ of University of Oregon, had many students
from
Oregon and California, and was famous as an educational center. I had
been
writing Oregon trying to write, since a lad. My two brothers and my
sister
were at my side, our home with our parents, and we lived entirely to
ourselves.
We were all school teachers when not in college. In 1861, my elder
brother
and I were admitted to practice law under Geo.rge H. Williams,
afterwards
attorney-general under Pres. Ulysses S. Grant (1822-1885)."
As a lawyer, Miller became deeply interested
in Joaquín Murietta, a Mexican outlaw for whom he made a legal
defense.
Later he "poetized" his client, taking his name.
The nom-de-plume became popular; and at
the present time the poet is best known to literature under the name of
"Joaquín Miller."
In 1862, he edited the Democratic Register
in Eugene, which was later suppressed for disloyalty. While
editor, he married Minnie Dyer, of Port Orford, who, in the 1870s,
became
famous for her early Victorian writing style in Oregon literary
circles,
using the pen name "Minnie Myrtle Miller." She produced a marked change
in the character and writings of her husband. That delicate and refined
love of the beautiful and that sympathy for the erring and unfortunate
which characterized his writings must be admitted to date from his
marriage.
The poet said: "That which is best in my works was inspired by her."
Miller moved to Canyon City, in Eastern
Oregon, where he wrote poetry, served as county judge and practiced
law.
In 1868, he published "Specimens," and in 1869, "Joaquín-Et Al."
Believing that he could find a better market for his publications in
Europe
than in American, he went to London in 1870. Soon "The Songs of the
Sierras,"
written before he left Oregon, appeared in England and in Boston
simultaneously.
Included in Miller's Songs of the Sierras
was "Kit Carson's Ride." Carson, who also appears in Willa
Cather's (1873-1947) novel Death Comes to the Archbishop, was
an
American folklore hero. Kit Carson was the popular name of Christopher
Huston (1809-1869), a frontiersman and guide who appears as a hero in
many
legends. One of Carson's contemporaries said "Kit Carson's word was as
sure as the sun comin' up" and "Kit never cussed more'n was necessary,"
making Carson a perfect subject for legend.
Miller's originality, freshness of style,
vigor of thought and expression were greeted with applause; and
Englishmen
hailed him as the "American Byron." Upon returning to America he did
journalistic
work in Washington DC, until the fall of 1887, when he removed to
Oakland,
California, where he remained until his death, February 17, 1913.
In the meantime, feeling was so intense
against
the engineer that the citizens of Florence had him hung in effigy.
Miller's
arrival directed their resentment to enthusiasm, but the remnants of
the
stuffed image swayed in the breeze.
Lumbering thrived in the coastal community.
This was due to the extensive forests of tall pine trees surrounding
the
town. The cut timber was shipped by barge to San Francisco. The growing
influx of settlers also placed a heavy demand on the lumber mills for
timber
for homes.
In 1913, a bill backed by a local lumber
company was introduced in the state legislature to form Siuslaw County.
In 1975, after dissatisfaction with Lane County officials'
responsiveness
to Florence citizens, "McCall County"—honoring the highly regarded
former
governor—was put in motion by strong-willed community leaders, the
local
newspaper and timber industry. While this latter effort also fell short
of establishing a new coastal county, West Lane area residents continue
to remind the county seat that there is life west of Veneta.
The Siuslaw
National Forest is located in the Coast Range of Oregon. Its
630,
acres extends from Tillamook to Coos Bay. Its terrain ranges from dense
Douglas fir stands, complemented with lush, green vegetation, and miles
of sand dunes. This forest is just one of two in the continental US
whose
borders include the Pacific Ocean. The Los Padres National Forest in
California
is the only other national forest that can make this claim. The highest
point in the forest is Marys
Peak with an elevation of 4,097 feet. Dense forests, combined
with
controlled timber harvest, provide habitat for a variety of big game,
including
blacktail and Roosevelt deer. Coastal scenic attractions within Siuslaw
National Forest include Cascade Head Scenic and Research Area, Cape
Perpetua,
and the Oregon Dunes National Recreational Area. The forest contains
three
designated wildlife areas totaling 22,600 acres. They are Cummins
Creek,
Driftwood Creek, and Rock Creek.
Oregon Sand Dunes Formed 60 Million Years Ago
The dense forests and seaside basalt
cliffs
stop short at the mouth of the Siuslaw, where they're replaced by giant
sand dunes all the way south to Coos Bay. The dunes, claimed to be the
highest in North America, started to form more than 60 million years
ago.
Volcanic basalt cliffs never formed a barrier here, and the ocean
bottom
sand was free to blow inland, forming huge shifting hills, to heights
of
500 feet or more. The dunes are vast; they stretch 41 miles southward
along
the coast, and in some places, they reach a couple of miles inland.
European
beach grass, introduced around 1900 to hold sand down and prevent it
from
blocking river channels, is forming a mat over the sand, and the dunes
no longer blow and shift as they once did. Once the dunes are held
firmly
in place, other vegetation can take hold, and the unpredictable blowsy
wild cards of the landscape will be replaced by more permanent features.
Famous for the abundance of rhododendrons
growing in the area, Florence is designated the City of Rhododendrons
and
has since 1908 held the annual Rhododendron
Festival each May. South of Florence, the wild azalea replaces
the rhododendrons on the hills. This brightly flowered shrub thrives
best
in open spaces, and reaches the height on its beauty and fragrance in
May
and June.
Vine Maple Savages
An historical account of Florence would not be complete without mentioning the notorious Vine Maple Savages with a mailing address of "1/2 Mile Back in the Brush, Florence." Though unknown by names and seldom seen, they have moss in place of hair, wear tin pants and only come out of the woods when it is apparent that citizens are unable to defend themselves against the bureaucracy of government. Once the group was reported to be standing guard, muskets ready, looking for Bonneville Power agents disguised as fish swimming up the Siuslaw. In another incident when local residents struggled with the National Parks Service over maintaining Forest Service management of the Oregon Dunes National Recreation Area, the Savages, not surprisingly, were reported to have led a Park Service dignitary away with a noose around his neck during the annual Rhododendron Festival parade. Some say his boots are still visible out there in the ever-blowing sand dunes.
Gem Along The Central Oregon Coast
The City of Florence, situated on the
Siuslaw
River amidst a chain of beautiful freshwater lakes, rests almost
exactly
halfway along the Oregon Pacific shore, and is fortunate to possess all
of the many gems the shore’s 400-mile stretch features including wide
beaches,
rocky inlets, scenic rivers, fir-clad mountains, and quaint harbors. As
inhabitants boasted in 1891, Florence is "a diamond set among the
pearls"
of the Siuslaw Valley.
Today, the City of Rhododendrons serves
a population of 19,000. To some it is a retirement community. Almost 50
percent of the residents are retired, contributing of their time and
talents
to the betterment of the community.
The business community will tell you
Florence
is a tourist town, citing the fishing, the tourist accommodations, the
Old Town with its art galleries, book shops and souvenir shops. They
will
boast of the sand dunes or extol the lumbering industry.
The mild climate, outstanding sport fishing
opportunities, vast forests, clean lakes, high sand dunes and inspiring
scenery will bring you back again and again to this gem along the
Central
Oregon Coast.
Chapter 22: South Oregon Coast
The Spanish navigator, Bartolome Ferrelo, is said to have reached the mouth of the Umpqua in 1543 and some romanticists like to believe, English admiral Sir Francis Drake sailed the Golden Hynde into the river and there set ashore in the wilderness his Spanish pilot, Morera. This however, probably took place farther south. Spanish archives record that in 1832 a ship disabled by severe weather entered the Umpqua, and ascended it as far as the site of Scottsburg, where repairs were made. Many trees were cut down and, the decayed stumps were seen by the first white settlers, who were told by the Indians about the vessel that had arrived there many years before, manned by white men with beards.
Valley of the Green Giant
At the far end of Douglas County in the
Cascade
Mountains, the North Umpqua River rises and flows westward, gathering
the
waters of two dozen rivers and creeks before joining the South Umpqua
near
Roseburg. From there the mighty river courses north and west through
the
Coast Range, creating what might be called the Valley of the Green
Giant,
because that's exactly what the Umpqua
is
by the time its slate-green waters pass beneath the State Route bridge
at Scottsburg, he head of tidewater.
Flanked by emerald mountains, the great
river parallels State Route 38 for another 16 miles and is joined by
the
Smith River before passing beneath the US-101 bridge at Reedsport, in
the
heart of the Oregon Dunes National Recreation Area.
Reedsport is located on the south shore
of Winchester Bay, three miles south of Gardiner. It was named in honor
of Alfred W. Reed, a pioneer resident of the western part of Douglas
County,
and evolved because of the site’s proximity to the Umpqua River. The
name
was first applied about 1900 when the townsite was platted. The post
office
was established July 17, 1912, with Joseph Lyons the first postmaster.
The vast dunes of the Oregon Dunes National
Recreation Area stretch for 40 miles from the mouth of the Siuslaw
south
to Coos Bay.
Birds and animals abound in this land of
buried forests, rare plants and insects, freshwater lakes and mountains
of shifting sand. At the Dean
Creek Elk Viewing Area, three miles east of Reedsport, shaggy
Roosevelt
elk graze in this 1,040 acre preserve. Sections of the preserve have
been
improved to provide better habitat for waterfowl and wildlife. In
addition
to the herd of 60 to 100 elk, nutria, black tailed deer, ospreys,
mallard
and wood ducks, great blue herons and western bluebirds flourish.
Beyond, the bridge at Reedsport rounds the
big bend just past Gardiner, swings southward, and becomes Winchester
Bay. Having traversed the breadth of Douglas County and wended
its way through the canyons, gorges, and benchlands of two mountain
ranges,
the Umpqua has become the largest coastal river between the Columbia
and
San Francisco Bay.
Once an important transportation and
commerce
corridor, the Umpqua moved passengers and freight, via riverboat,
between
the coast and Scottsburg. The Willamette Valley was connected to
Scottsburg
by roads traveled by stagecoach and wagon. Sawmills in the area sent
their
lumber on schooners and streamers south to the burgeoning boomtown on
the
Bay, San Francisco.
Smith River
Jedediah Strong Smith (1799-1831), for
whom
Smith River is named, explored this country in the 1820s after the
Hudson's
Bay Company's Peter
Skene Ogden (1794-1854) theorized that the Umpqua River might
be
the fabled Northwest Passage.
Smith, a western fur trader and explorer,
was born in Jericho (now Bainbridge), New York, June 24, 1799, and was
killed by Comanche Indians in the summer of 1831 while on the way from
Saint Louis to Santa Fe. When he was 13 years old Smith obtained a
position
on a freight boat on the Great Lakes, and when he was about 18 he was
in
Saint Louis, attracted to the fur trade. In 1826, Smith started from
Saint
Louis with fur trader and explorer William
Henry Ashley (1778-1838) on the first stage of what was to be
the
first journey of a non-colored man from the Mississippi to the Pacific
Ocean over the midland route. He traveled to Southern California by way
of Great Salt Lake, then returned to Utah and in 1828 started for
Northern
California and Southern Oregon. His party made its way up the Pacific
Coast,
and reached the Umpqua, which was crossed very close to the mouth early
on July 12, 1828. The party then made its way up the west and the north
side of the river until the evening of July 13, where camp was pitched
on the north bank just west of the mouth of what is now Smith River.
Gordon's
land office survey of 1857 gives the location as about a quarter of a
mile
west of the east line of S 26, T 21S, R 12W, or about the same distance
southwest of what is now East Gardiner or Gardiner Junction on the
Southern
Pacific railroad. On the morning of Monday, July 14, Indians attacked
the
party, while Smith and two companions were away from camp. He made his
way north to Tillamook, then to Fort Vancouver. Smith and his two
companions
escaped toward Willamette Valley. Fifteen men were killed.380
McLoughlin
sent an expedition to secure the pelts, which he then bought from Smith
for $20,000 with the understanding that the Yankee should thenceforth
stay
out of Oregon. Smith eventually returned to Saint Louis and continued
in
the fur trade until his death. He was a devout Christian, and a
reliable
geographer, and entitled to great credit for his explorations.
Although he didn't find the Northwest
Passage,
Smith's explorations were exceeded in importance only by those of Lewis
and Clark, and the Umpqua is still one of the great fishing streams in
the state. Zane Grey (1875-1939) avoided writing about it, lavishing
the
publicity instead upon the Rogue to divert people from his favorite
steelhead
spots. At any rate, Winchester Bay's Salmon Harbor marina has given the
whole area new life in recent years, following hard times precipitated
by the decline in timber revenues. Salmon Harbor sits at the mouth of
the
Umpqua, one of the largest rivers between San Francisco Bay and the
Columbia.
Winchester Bay
Winchester Bay, a town on the Umpqua
River
near its mouth, is located on the south shore of the bay, about four
miles
southwest of Reedsport. Named for Herman Winchester of the 1850
expedition
from San Francisco, which explored the Umpqua Valley, it was first a
trading
point called West Umpqua.
West Umpqua was the name selected for the
community planned for the other side of the Umpqua. There was some
development
at both Umpqua and West Umpqua, but the towns had petered out by 1867.
Winchester Bay is now primarily a summer
resort and fishing village by the Umpqua River, about three miles from
its mouth.
The expedition founded this community, and
for the first few years it was the seat of Douglas County government.
In
1854, the county seat was lost to Deer Creek (Roseburg), and with it
went
most of the population and businesses of Winchester.
The territorial post office was moved north
to Wilbur,
which is located on Cooper Creek, six miles north of Roseburg, and near
Sutherlin. It is the home of the Umpqua Academy (later Wilbur Academy),
established in 1854 by James H. Wilbur (1811-1887), DD, a pioneer
Methodist
clergyman; it was closed in 1900. The first building was a rough log
structure
with a few rough pine desks. Like other Oregon pioneer places of
learning,
the rules of the academy prohibited:
Profane, obscene or vulgar language or unchaste yarns or narratives, or immoral gestures or hints; any degree of tippling anywhere; any sort of night reveling.
The pupils for the academy came
from Southern Oregon, from about Jacksonville, Leland, Canyonville, Cow Creek, Lookingglass and from the northerly parts of the county, from Yoncalla, Elk Creek, and Green Valley and the classic precincts of Duck Egg, Tin Pot and Shoestring.
The community inherited the post office,
established December 14, 1860, from the pioneer Winchester settlement,
after the latter lost its bid to become county seat in a contest with
Roseburg.
Curtis P. Stratton was first postmaster of the Wilbur office, which was
discontinued November 17, 1865, and reestablished May 16, 1870.
It would be 30 years before a new office
was established at Winchester, on October 10, 1890. Winchester post
office,
established November 3, 1851, was located on the south bank of the
North
Umpqua, four miles north of Roseburg.
Addison R. Flint was the first postmaster of this early office.
Winchester Bay post office was established
February 21, 1916 with Louis A. Weeks serving as first postmaster. It
was
designated a rural station of Reedsport on May 31, 1959.
Winchester Creek flows into Winchester Bay,
which is home to the largest recreational salmon port on the Oregon
Coast.
Known as Salmon Harbor, the port is located at the mouth of Umpqua
River,
77 miles west of Roseburg.
Built in 1924, Booth Bridge connects the
banks of North Umpqua on the old Pacific Highway at Winchester. The
bridge
is 884 feet long and consists of seven 112-foot reinforced concrete
spans
and five concrete approach spans. Curved decorative bracketing,
observation
balconies, and a band of dentilis (concrete block moldings under the
cornice)
add to architectural interest of this historical bridge.
Gardiner
Gardiner
is on the north bank of the Umpqua near its mouth. It is an historic
community
of Oregon, and bears the name of Boston merchant Gardiner Chism who
sought
to trade on the river. His vessel, Bostonian, was wrecked at the mouth
of the Umpqua on October 1, 1850. Most of the goods on the vessel were
saved and moved to the location of what was subsequently the town of
Gardiner.
The place became headquarters of the Umpqua Customs District in 1851,
with
Colin Wilson a collector. The post office of Gardiners City was
established
on June 30, 1851, with George L. Snelling first postmaster.
The current Gardiner post office,
established
August 1, 1864, is located on the northeast bank of Umpqua River,
opposite
Cannery Island, and three miles north of Reedsport. The form Gardiner
City
was used on October 20, 1853, which was the date that Harrison Spicer
became
postmaster.
Fort Umpqua
Umpqua is an historic name in Oregon. It was used by the Indians to refer to the locality of the Umpqua River and came to be applied to Umpqua River.
The Hudson's Bay Company sent expeditions
to the river in the century, and in 1828 the trapper and explorer, J.
S.
Smith, followed the river with a party of 19 fur trappers that were
almost
annihilated by the Indians, three men only escaping. The company had a
trading post in the Umpqua Valley as early as 1832, probably on
Calapooya
Creek, which rises on the south slopes of Calapooya Mountains in
Douglas
County and flows through Oakland and joins the Umpqua river at Umpqua.
It was generally called Old Fort Umpqua, a post at Umpqua City from
1856
to 1862.
There have been several places known as
Fort Umpqua. John Work visited Umpqua River in 1834 and Fort Umpqua,
which
was later established by the Hudson's Bay Company near the present site
of Elkton, did not then exist. Just north of the mouth of the Umpqua is
the site of Fort Umpqua, established July 28, 1856 by Cpt. Joseph
Stewart,
3rd US Artillery, on a site selected by Cpt. John F. Reynolds, 3rd US
Artillery,
at the close of the Rogue River Indian War.
Not to be confused with Hudson's Bay Company
forts of the same name, the post was one of three forts set up to watch
over the Indians at Grand Ronde and Siletz agencies. The other two were
Fort Yamhill and Fort Hoskins. A letter in the Bancroft Library,
University
of California, dated Umpqua City, March 20, 1862, with a signature that
seems to be J. V. Cately, says that the post was built to accommodate
two
companies of soldiers, but on that date had but one lieutenant and 22
men.
The original buildings of the post consisted
of structures from the abandoned Fort Orford. In the summer of 1862,
the
paymaster, Col. Justus Steinberger, 1st Washington Infantry, commanding
the district of Oregon, arrived and found found all the officers,
commissioned
and non-commissioned, stationed at the fort out on a hunting trip. His
report of this incident, and the fact that there were no Indians here
caused
the fort to be abandoned on July 16, 1862.
An effort was made to reestablish it, and
Capt. J. B. Leeds was on the point of leaving San Francisco with troops
when the order was countermanded. The old blockhouse and soldiers'
quarters
was moved to Gardiner.
Umpqua City
In the summer of 1850 a party of
prospectors,
originally planning to visit Klamath River, explored the Umpqua and
established
Umpqua City on August 5, 1850. The town was located about two miles
north
of the mouth of the Umpqua, on the west bank, not far from what is now
known as Army Hill, which is little more than an elevation of sand.
West Umpqua was the name selected for the
community planned for the other side of the river. There was some
development
at both places, but the towns had petered out by 1867.
Umpqua City post office was established
on September 26, 1851, with Amos E. Rogers postmaster. Samuel S. Mann
became
postmaster on February 24, 1852. This office may have been on the east
side of the river when first established but in 1860 the post office
and
community of Umpqua City were on the west side of the river about two
miles
north of the mouth. Fort Umpqua was then at the same place. The present
Umpqua post office is on Umpqua River near the mouth of Calapooya Creek
and a long way from the places mentioned above.
Umpqua post office was initially located
on the east bank of the Umpqua near its mouth, but when in 1856 a
military
reservation, Fort Umpqua, was built on the west bank, the post office
moved
across the stream. The post office was established September 24, 1851
and
discontinued March 19, 1869. A. E. Rogers was the first postmaster.
Umpqua Ferry was the site of an early ferry
crossing, about seven miles west of Sutherlin. The Umpqua Ferry was
replaced
by a bridge completed in August 1890, but old names change slowly
sometimes,
and it was 1906 before the name of the local post office was modified.
The post office now known as Umpqua was initially located in the George
Shambrook homestead. Shambrook operated a general store and the ferry,
and his son, John C. Shambrook, was the first postmaster here. Umpqua
Ferry
post office was established March 16, 1877 and discontinued October 4,
1906, at which time the Umpqua post office post office was established.
Henry F. Hebard was the first postmaster.
The territorial legislature created an
Umpqua
County January 24, 1851. It ceased to exist October 16, 1862, its area
having been added to other counties.
Lakeside
Lakeside is a small community situated near the northwest shores of Tenmile and North Tenmile lakes, seven miles south of Winchester Bay and 12 miles north of North Bend. It is along Tenmile Creek, which empties into the Pacific Ocean about ten miles south of Winchester Bay, at the mouth of the Umpqua. The creek, which is also about ten miles north of the northern bend of Coos Bay, is steeped in Oregon history. On May 5, 1864, Lt. Royal A. Bensell wrote in his Journal:
At Tenmile Creek (waist deep) the Indians wade. Miss Kitty and several of her stripe affected extreme modesty. I told them "hyac [hurry]" up and they pulled their flounces displaying "conaway squitch" to the great amusement of the guard. Some very fair legs got a good washing, a thing much needed.
The town, once a thriving resort, was
incorporated
in 1974, and had a population of about 1,615 in 1994. The post office
was
established April 18, 1908, with Nels O. Olson serving as first
postmaster.
Lakeside still possesses a resort
atmosphere,
but the pace has slowed considerably. With the closing of its only
remaining
sawmill, however, outdoor recreation will likely become the area's
economic
mainstay.
Tenmile Lake was formerly known as Johnson
Lake, and North Tenmile Lake is also known as North Lake. The latter’s
outlet is into Tenmile Lake, which in turn drains into the ocean
through
Tenmile Creek.
Tenmile and North Tenmile lakes are typical
lakes found in hill country. They are sprawling bodies of water with
many
arms, bays, and coves. The two, joined by a canal at their western
ends,
offer 42 miles of shoreline to explore by boat. The lakes are among the
most popular on th coast for swimming, waterskiing, sailing and fishing.
Tenmile Butte, southeast of Tenmile Lake,
was also named for Tenmile Creek.
About halfway between Winston and Camas
Valley, there is a Tenmile post office, but it derived its name
from the fact that an early settler who lived in Happy Valley drove
cattle
from the valley and grazed them at the community now known as Tenmile.
The distance was about ten miles, hence the name. William Irwin was
first
postmaster of this pioneer office, which was established June 13, 1870
as Ten Mile. The style was changed to Tenmile on October 4, 1918.
Just north of Lakeside and east of US-101
lies Eel
Lake. Though smaller than either of the other two, this is
still
among the largest lakes on the coast.
Oregon's Bay Area
The towns around the harbor of Coos Bay
refer
to themselves collectively as the "Bay Area." In contrast to its
namesake
in California, the Oregon version is not exactly the Athens of Oregon.
Because much of this natural beauty is on the periphery of the
industrialized
core of the Bay Area, it is easy to miss.
North Bend is located at the north end of
a peninsula around which Coos Bay bends on its way to the Pacific. The
community has several sawmills, including the Weyerhaeuser Timber
Company
plant on a 40-acre site, a larger plywood plant, a shipyard, and
several
fisheries and packing plants. A large fishing fleet operates from the
local
docks.
Called Yallow by settlers in 1853, it is
said that the name North Bend was originally applied in 1856 by Capt.
Asa
M. Simpson, the founder of the city, and his son, Louis J. Simpson, the
founder of Shore
Acres.
Shore Acres is located 12 miles southwest
of Coos Bay on a 75-foot promontory. It was the former estate of L. J.
Simpson, which began as a summer home and grew into a three-story
mansion
complete with an indoor heated swimming pool and large ballroom.
Originally a Christmas present to his wife,
Shore Acres became the showplace of the Oregon Coast, with formal and
Japanese
gardens eventually added to the 743-acre estate.
After a 1921 fire, a second, smaller
incarnation
of Simpson's "shack by the beach" was built. This was acquired by the
State
of Oregon in 1942 after it fell into disrepair. Because of the cost of
upkeep, the latter had to be razed, but the gardens have been
maintained.
The international botanical bounty culled
by Simpson clipper ships and schooners is still in its glory,
complemented
by award-winning roses, rhododendrons, and azaleas.
North Bend post office was established
February
27, 1872, with C. H. Merchant first postmaster. The office was
discontinued
March 20, 1874. When it was re-established November 13, 1900, records
indicate
the name "North Branch" was originally used, but this was changed to
"North
Bend" on December 5. The entry is believed to be an error in the
records.
A city of about 9,840 in 1994, North Bend
was replatted as a town in 1902, and incorporated in 1903.
North Bend Station No. 1 was established
July 1, 1963, and discontinued September 22, 1978 when the name was
changed
to Pony Village Contract Station of North Bend. The office is located
at
Pony Village Mall, some two miles west of the heart of North Bend.
Empire
Formerly known as Empire City, the town
of
Empire
is a suburban area four miles northwest of the heart of the City of
Coos
Bay and near North Bend. Its first settlers were men from Jacksonville,
called the Coos Bay Company and headed by Perry B. Marple, who left the
place during the height of the local gold fever. Discovery of gold in
Northern
California and Southwestern Oregon led to the formation of the project,
and stock in the company was offered for sale in the Oregonian, January
7, 1854.
Empire City was at one time the county seat
of Coos County. A custom house was established there in 1853 for the
southern
collection district in Oregon, with David Bushing serving as port
collector.
Established April 30, 1858, Empire City
was the first post office in the Coos Bay region, with John J. Jackson
serving as first postmaster. It was named with the expectation that
this
community would become the heart of a vast region, rich in natural
resources
and focused on an excellent port. It was located on the east side of
Coos
Bay, four miles northwest of the heart of the City of Coos Bay.
The town soon had a lumber mill and did
considerable shipping, particularly a low grade coal that was for a
time
mined south of Marshfield. Local trade declined as North Bend grew in
prominence,
though Empire residents were slow to accept their fate.
Empire City post office operated with that
name until October 20, 1894, when the title was changed to Empire.
Chauncey
M. Byler first postmaster of the new office. The pioneer dream of being
the hub of a vast empire had faded by this time, and the deletion of
"City"
from the settlement's name was prudent.
One mill, however, was kept in good
condition;
during many years of idleness the machinery was greased at intervals
and
turned over, and resumed operations during WWI. Over the years other
industries
established themselves there, until the town achieved a position of
prominence
in the industrial and commercial life of the Bay Area. Fish canneries
and
a pulp mill also provided local employment. Many new homes were built
after
WWI, and Empire had one of the area's most attractive schools.
On January 8, 1965, the city voted to
consolidate
with Coos Bay, and the name Empire, in use for over a century, like
Marshfield,
became a thing of the past.
Cape Arago
Cape
Arago is the western point of a large headland just south of
the
mouth of Coos Bay.

Cape Arago Lighthouse on the Oregon
Coast
Photo
Courtesy of Julie Hendricks
Coos Head, the point on the south side of the entrance to Coos Bay, extends northward from Cape Arago, but is much lower than the main part of the cape.
Cpt. James Cook sighted it on March 12, 1778,
and
named it Cape Gregory for the saint of that day. although that name did
not stick, it is perpetuated by Gregory Point.
Since 1850, this cape has been called Cape
Arago, and is officially so known by the USBGN. Dominique Francois Jean
Arago (1786-1853) was a great French physicist and geographer. He was
the
intimate of Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), and his friendship with
Humboldt "lasted over forty years without a single cloud ever having
troubled
it."
The name Cape Arago first appeared on the
USC & GS chart prepared by W. P. McArthur in 1850, and issued the
following
year. It seems apparent that McArthur applied the name Arago as the
result
of the naming of Humboldt Bay, California, which took place about the
same
time. Humbolt Bay was named in 1850 during the visit of a company of
miners
styled the Laura Virginia company or association. A. J. Bledsoe, in
Indian
Wars of the Northwest, gives an account of the exploration of the Laura
Virginia expedition in the ship Laura Virginia, and he says that
Humboldt
Bay was named at the solicitation of a member of the party who was an
admirer
of the great scientist. Elsewhere it is reported that the name was
selected
by Lt. Douglass Ottinger, captain of the Laura Virginia, but this does
not agree with Bledsoe.
McArthur visited Humboldt Bay and mapped
it in 1850 and a few weeks later charted Port Orford which he named
Ewing
Harbor for his Coast Survey schooner, Ewing. He charted the vicinity of
Cape Arago shortly after leaving Ewing Harbor. It seems obvious that
the
well-known friendship between Arago and Humboldt suggested the name for
the cape.
Between Coos Head and the west point of
Cape Arago is the Cape Arago Lighthouse, a well-known landmark 12 miles
southwest of North Bend and Coos Bay off US-101. The lighthouse stands
100 feet above the Pacific Ocean on islet just off Gregory Point, the
northwest
promontory of Cape Arago, 2.5 miles southwest of the entrance to Coos
Bay.
The light atop the 44-foot-high tower was first illuminated in 1934.
Although
newest in terms of service, earlier structures were built on this site
in 1866 and 1908. Both succumbed to weather and erosion. This
lighthouse
also has a fog horn. Sailors can identify its unique sound.
The community of Arago is some 18 miles
to the northwest of the lighthouse. and about six miles south of the
town
of Coquille.
Ms. T. P. Hanley of Bandon said that Arago was named by her father, the
late Henry Schroeder, of the cape. The Arago post office was
established
April 7, 1886. William H. Schroeder was first postmaster of this
office,
which was not named for a racehorse, as is sometimes asserted. The
community
was formerly called Halls Prairie, but postal authorities rejected a
name
of two words. On February 28, 1959, the Arago office was designated a
rural
station of Myrtle Point.
Coos Bay
Coos
Bay, like Lincoln City, is a consolidated
community. As the result of votes at two city elections held November 7
and December 28, 1944, the name of the community of Marshfield was
changed
to Coos Bay, thus doing away with a geographic title that had been in
use
for 90 years.
On January 8, 1965, the City of Empire also
voted to consolidate with Coos Bay, and the name Empire, in use for
over
a century, like Marshfield, became a thing of the past.

Empire is a suburban area four miles
northwest
of the heart of the City of Coos Bay and near North Bend. Its first
settlers
were Jacksonville men, called the Coos Bay Company and headed by Perry
B. Marple, who left the place during the height of the local gold
fever.
Discovery of gold in Northern California and Southwestern Oregon led to
the formation of the project, and stock in the company was offered for
sale in the Oregonian, January 7, 1854.
Empire City was formerly county seat of
Coos County. A custom house was established there in 1853 for the
Southern
Collection District in Oregon, with David Bushing port collector.
Established April 30, 1858, Empire City
was the first post office in the Coos Bay region, with John J. Jackson
serving as first postmaster. It was named with the expectation that
this
community would become the heart of a vast region, rich in natural
resources
and focused on an excellent port. It was located on the east side of
Coos
Bay, four miles northwest of the heart of the City of Coos Bay.
The town soon had a lumber mill and did
considerable shipping, particularly a low grade coal that was for a
time
mined south of Marshfield. Local trade declined as North Bend grew in
prominence,
though Empire residents were slow to accept their fate.
Empire City post office operated with that
name until October 20, 1894, when the title was changed to Empire.
Chauncey
M. Byler first postmaster of the new office. The pioneer dream of being
the hub of a vast empire had faded by this time, and the deletion of
"City"
from the settlement's name was prudent.
One mill, however, was kept in good
condition;
during many years of idleness the machinery was greased at intervals
and
turned over, and resumed operations during WWI. Over the years other
industries
established themselves there, until the town achieved a position of
prominence
in the industrial and commercial life of the Bay Area. Fish canneries
and
a pulp mill also provided local employment. Many new homes were built
after
WWI, and Empire had one of the area's most attractive schools.
Eastside
Located on the southeast shore of Coos
Bay,
just east of the City of Coos Bay, Eastside was at one time the
terminal
of the old Coos Bay Military Wagon Road. The post office, formerly
known
as East Marshfield, was established January 14, 1908, with William J.
LaPalme
first postmaster. The post office was designated a rural station of
Coos
Bay on August 31, 1957, and in 1983 Eastside merged with and is now a
part
of the City of Coos Bay.
The earlier East Marshfield post office
was established September 28, 1891 with Charles J. Bishop was first
postmaster.
The office was discontinued August 30, 1919, and re-established
December
9, 1907.
Marshfield
Marshfield
was located on the west shore of Coos Bay near the mouth of Isthmus
Slough. The name was transferred from Marshfield,
Massachusetts,
by early settlers.
The first cabin in the area was built by
a trapper called Tolman in 1853. In the following year he left and a
retired
seaman, Capt. George Hamilton, move in. Hamilton, following the
wilderness
custom, took an Indian woman for a wife and managed to subsist without
neighbors until the arrival of John and George Pershbaker a few years
later.
George Pershbaker provided stock for a
trading
post to meet the needs of men arriving to work in the shipyards John
Pershbaker
had established. Pershbaker's first boat was a tug, the Escot; later
his
plant built the schooners Staghound, Louise Morrison, Ivanhoe, and
Annie
Stauffer, and the barkentine Amelia.
The Marshfield post office established June
22, 1871, with Andrew Nashburg first postmaster.
But the population still grew very slowly;
in 1884 it still had only about 800 people. In addition to its
isolation,
one factor that hindered the growth was the type of ground on which the
town had been founded and from which it had taken its name.
The Lynching of Alonzo Tucker 1906
African-Americans were unequivocally not
wanted in Oregon. Some, nevertheless, persisted quietly and settled in
the state. The 1850 Census reported in the entire Pacific Northwest
either
54 or 56. The 1860 Census identified 124 blacks and mulattos, a tiny
fraction
of the more than 52,000 residents enumerated. Those who settled in
Oregon
too risks, but they had known prejudice and discrimination far worse in
other parts of the country. Sometimes, however, racial episodes
erupted.
These occurred sporadically in several parts of the state over a period
of 70 years.
By 1890, the black population of Coos County
was 36. Most worked for the local railroad or at the Beaver Hill and
Libby
coal mines. Recruited in West Virginia, they had emigrated across the
country
and walked through the Coast Range from Roseburg to the Lower Coquille
River, only to find that they and their families were expected to live
in leaking boxcars. The men had to work in the deep shafts reaching
below
sea level for 90 cents a day. When they complained, they were accused
of
fomenting labor strife and compelled to leave.
Alonzo Tucker was an African-American who
worked as a bootblack and operator of a gym in Marshfield. In 1906
dubious
charges of rape were leveled against him by a non-colored woman. When a
mob of 200 armed men marched on the jail, the marshal freed Tucker, who
hid beneath a dock. He was twice shot the next morning and then hanged
from the Fourth Street Bridge by a mob that had grown to more than 300.
The coroner's inquest found no fault; the victim, the report said, had
died of asphyxiation. No indictments were brought. The local paper
observed
that the lynch mob was "quiet and orderly" and that the vigilante
proceeding
was no "unnecessary disturbance of the peace." In 1907 the Marshfield
School
Board instituted segregated education, alleging that the four
African-American
students "will materially retard the progress of the 500 white
children."
In 1908 lumber interests decided to overcome
the natural handicaps of the townsite where they were erecting a mill
and
started dredging operations to deepen the channel through the crooked
bay
and to use the silt removed from the channel to raise the town land.
Still
growth was slow.
Then came WWI with its enormous demands
for spruce to be used in construction of the new fighting craft—the
airplanes.
The Southern Pacific tracks were hastily extended southward to the Coos
Bay towns and on up into forests.
The boom economy was reflected in the need
for an additional post office, and Marshfield Station No. 1, located at
298 Front Street, was established February 1, 1916 to meet the needs of
the area's postal customers. That contract station was, however,
discontinued
on March 31, 1929.
During the war years Coos Bay mushroomed
into a city whose streets on Saturday were filled with hard-drinking,
exuberant
lumberjacks, and roistering ship-loaders. After the war, activity
lessened
but did not die, and the town settled down to a more solid kind of
development.
A fire in 1922 swept away three blocks of old business buildings and
many
jerrybuilt affairs constructed during the boom; though this was
considered
a disaster at the time, it was probably a blessing because the
buildings
that replaced those that had burned were more modern and of better
construction.
The Marshfield post office was renamed Coos
Bay on February 15, 1945.
Coos City
Coos City, one of the early post offices
of Coos County, was established June 25, 1873, with Henry A. Coston
first
postmaster. The office continued in service until March 18, 1884. It
was
situated on Isthmus Slough about five miles south of Marshfield as it
was
then known. There is little left of the community, but the name is
retained
by the Coos City Bridge. An important road turned eastward at this
point
headed to Roseburg.
The recorded myths of the Coos add interest
to many features in the region. Perhaps the blue-flowered camas marks
the
spot where Night Rainbow and her young grandson defied the great
Grizzly
Bear, their persecutor, and slew him. Another tells of the Great Fire
Wind
which drove the Coos into the sea to escape its consuming heat.
Coos River
Coos River was located about six miles
east
of Marshfield near the junction of the Coos and Millicoma rivers.
Millicoma River is the main north branch
of Coos River and is sometimes called North Fork Coos River, although
the
USBGN has adopted the style Millicoma. In 1929 S. B. Cartwright,
pioneer
surveyor of Coos County, said that Millicoma was the original Coos name
for the stream, but the meaning of the word is unknown.
Named for the stream nearby, Coos River,
established March 7, 1863, was the third post office in Coos County.
Amos
C. Rogers and Frank W. Bridges, well-known pioneer settlers in the
area,
served as the first two postmaster. Rogers was the first postmaster of
this early office, which was discontinued September 20, 1864. The
office
was re-established February 10, 1873, with Bridges taking over as
postmaster,
and permanently closed its doors on September 24, 1875. The original
spelling
of this post office, "Coose," followed a form popular at the time. Some
maps of this era even show the name of the river as "Goose."
Cooston
Cooston
is on the the east shore of Coos Bay, almost directly opposite North
Bend,
and its origin is the same of that as Coos County, created December 22,
1853, by the territorial legislature.
The county was originally formed from the
west parts of Umpqua and Jackson counties. Coos is an Indian name of a
native tribe who lived in the vicinity of Coos Bay. the name is first
mentioned
by Lewis and Clark, who spell it Cook-koo-oose. The explorers heard the
name among the Clatsop Indians. Alexander R. McLeod in his journal of
1828
gives the name Cahoose; Slacum, in his report of 1837, gives the name
of
Coos River Cowis; Wilkes, in Western America, spells it Cowes. The
spelling
has been variously Koo'as, Kowes, Koos, Coose, and finally Coos.
One Indian meaning of Coos is "lake,"
another,
"place of pines." Perry B. Marple, who began exploring Coos Bay in
1853,
spelled the word Coose in 1902, and said sit was an Indian perversion
of
the English word "coast," meaning a place where ships can land. Another
version is that the Indian word was made to resemble the name of a
county
in New Hampshire.
The Coos were of the Kusan family, formerly
living at Coos Bay. Lewis and Clark estimated there population at 1500
in 1805. The name is often used as synonymous with the family name.
Hale,
in US Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology, gives the name as
Kwokwoos and Kaus; Parrish, in Indian Affairs Report for 1854, gives
Co-ose.
Coos County has an area of 1586 square
miles.
In 1844, Duflot
de Mofras got off the prize pun in the history of Oregon
geographic
names when he published his work Exploration du Territoire de l'Oregon.
He called Coos River la riviere aux Vaches, or Cows River, apparently
after
talking to some of the Scots employed by the Hudson's Bay Company.
The Cooston post office was established
May 13, 1908, and the first postmaster was William E. Homme, who named
the place. The office closed to North Bend on July 15, 1939.
Siamese Twins
The modern-day City of Coos Bay, with
its
Siamese twin North Bend share a common boundary and, in places, are
impossible
to distinguish, creating one metropolitan area—the largest on the
Oregon
Coast. The twin cities are connected by the mile-long McCullough steel
bridge with deco-style spires at the entrance. It's is the only place
where
buildings rise to five or six stories, and where the feeling is
unreconstructedly
working class. Together with Charleston, the tri-cities compose what
has
come to be known as "Oregon's Bay Area," a small-scale megalopolis.
Ironically, though, the area's greatest
asset and most obvious feature is often ignored by visitors and
residents
alike—the bay itself. Coos Bay is the largest deepwater port between
San
Francisco and Puget Sound, and exports more timber than any other port
in the world, much of it now wood chips headed to Japanese paper mills.
The Lower Coos River is lined with smokestacks, big mounds of wood
chips,
and warehouses. It's a busy waterway for foreign and domestic shipping
but it is also a fisherman and small boater's delight. Clammers and
crabbers
walk the beaches.
Coos Bay is noted for its Empire clams,
which sometimes weigh four or five pounds each. The large necks of
these
clams can be split into sections after scraping off the rough outer
skin;
the sections are then well pounded, dipped in seasoned flour or
cornmeal,
and fried to a crisp brown.
The Indian method of making clam chowder
was to soak the clams overnight in a freshwater stream, and then throw
them into a hollowed log containing water heated to the boiling point
by
hot stones. After they had opened, the clams were scraped from their
shells
and replaced in the water, together with chunks of jerked or smoked
venison,
dried wild onions, and Wapato roots that the squaws had gathered in dry
lake beds.
Coos Bay is also a sprawling estuary, rich
in marine wildlife, and a great place to enjoy a variety of water
sports
and activities.
In 1998, the town received national
attention
from Time magazine in its "Banned in the USA" article: "Hey, Happy
Fourth
of July! Sure, it's a free country, but sometimes there oughta be a law
against laws. Some don't, sensible to silly, from around the nation. In
Coos Bay, "no possession of paint, ink or chalk with intent to apply
graffiti
is allowed."
Charleston
Charleston is located at the mouth of
South
Slough on Coos Bay, about six miles southwest of North Bend. David A.
Jones
was first postmaster of the Charleston post office, established
February
24, 1924. The office was named for early pioneer Charles Haskell, who
settled
at the mouth of South Slough in 1853. On September 30, 1959, Charleston
was designated a rural station of Coos Bay.
At Charleston
are canneries, fish-processing plants, boat building and repair
facilities,
and one of the largest commercial fishing fleets on the Oregon Coast.
The
area is also popular with sport fishermen, crabbers, and clam diggers.
One of the best-kept secrets in Oregon is
the Coast Guard lookout at Charleston, which commands the best view of
the bay, jetties, and Coos Bay Bar—a place to watch fishing boats and
freighters
come and go.
South Slough Estuarine Preserve
To many people, an estuary is just a
place
where you get stuck in the mud. More often than not, however, the
interface
of fresh water and salt water represents one of the richest ecosystems
on earth, capable of producing five times more plant material than a
cornfield
of comparable size while supporting great numbers of fish and wildlife.
The South Slough of Coos Bay is the largest such web of life on the
Oregon
Coast.
Experienced canoeists can, with a little
planning, use the slough's tides to travel north, towards Charleston
and
the Pacific Ocean, with the outgoing tide and return to the launch site
as the tide comes back in. When the tide's out, perch, salmon, and
crabs
feed on the clams, shrimp, and worms that live buried in the mud.
Farther
up the slough's narrow tributaries, narrow channels of water reach into
agricultural flats and yield broad, low views of fields and fringes of
forests.
Trails pass through coastal forest and 19th
Century logging sites down to a boardwalk through a swamp and a salt
marsh.
Coos Bay was once strewn with such marshes, but they've largely been
diked
and turned into "productive" land.
Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw
The term "aboriginal territory" refers to the area occupied by Indian Nations prior to European settlement. The aboriginal territory of the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and Siuslaw Indians covers 1.6 million acres in Coos, Douglas and Lane counties (roughly between Florence and Coos Bay), reaching inland to the crest of the Coast Range. Today, the confederation administers services in this area as part of a five-county service district for tribal members. Land issues are being jointly addressed by the federal government and the tribes.
Early Culture: 1200 BCE
Archaeological digs document tribal
occupation
of the area as far back as 3,200 years ago. It is suspected by
archaeologists
that occupation of the area actually goes much farther back.
No one knows for sure how many Indians lived
on Coos Bay, but it was a popular and populated area that was also
visited
regularly by Indians that normally resided further inland. The best
estimates
are that 1,500 to 2,000 Kusan lived in plank houses along the bay shore
in as many as 40 or 50 villages.
In early times, the confederation mirrored
the life ways common along the entire Northwest Coast of North America.
The Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and Siuslaw lived closely and
harmoniously
with the land. They relied on the estuary to provide most of their
necessities.
They were hunters and gatherers, harvesting vast quantities of salmon
and
other fish, shellfish, and marine mammals from the bay and its many
tributaries.
In the bordering forests, meadows, and marshes they hunted deer and
waterfowl,
pit-trapped elk, picked berries, and harvested edible plants. They
gathered
reeds and grasses to make mats and baskets. They utilized the resources
of the cedar tree to fashion clothing, dugout canoes and built their
plank
houses and huts.
Because of the rich bounty of the bay and
adjacent lands, the Kusan were a self-sufficient people who lived in
relative
peace and tranquility. Possessing a stratified society, they were
variously
described as robust and healthy in appearance, good-natured and
generous
in demeanor. And why shouldn't they have been? Theirs was a temperate
paradise.
The Hanis,
located on Coos River and Coos Bay, formed one dialectic group of the
Kusan
linguistic family, the other being Miluk. Those who spoke Miluk
lived near Lower Coquille River. It is probable that this stock was
connected
with the Yakonan. Mooney (1928) estimated that the Hanis and the Miluk
together numbered 2,000 in 1780. In 1805 Lewis and Clark estimated
1,500
Hanis. The 1910 Census returned 93 for the entire stock and the 1930
Census
returned 107, while, again for the stock, the US Office of Indian
Affairs
reported 55 in 1937.
During the centuries preceding American
expansion and pioneer settlement of the western frontier, there was no
written record of Indian life along the Oregon Coast. Much of what we
know
is pieced together from various sources, augmented by the lore Indians
passed on verbally from one generation to the next. For the time being,
we have to fill in the blanks with reasoned assumptions.
British and American fur traders were
probably
the first to make regular contacts with Indians of Oregon’s south
coast.
We know, for example, that Alexander McLeod of the Hudson's Bay Company
explored the south coast, including Coos Bay, in 1926 and 1827.
In 1828, the Jedediah Smith expedition
reached
the south coast and camped at various spots near and on Coos Bay:
Whiskey
Run on July 3, Cape Arago on July 4, Shore Acres on July 5, Sunset Bay
on July 6 and 7, Charleston on July 8, Lower Coos Bay near Empire on
July
9, and the North Spit on July 10.
Of course, none of these places went by
those names then. There was no community called Empire, and in place of
Charleston, as we know it today, was a large Indian village—probably
the
largest on the bay.
The Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) attacked and wiped
out Smith's exploring party at the mouth of the Umpqua, leaving only
three
survivors. Around the same time the Siuslaw destroyed a Chinookan
slaving
expedition.
On June 30, 1851, a bedraggled band of nine
white men, fleeing from Ewing Harbor (now Port Orford) and a skirmish
at
Battle
Rock, broke through the brush on Lower Coos Bay to be greeted
by
local Indians. John Kirkpatrick, leader of the band, later described
the
Indians as friendly, generous, and hospitable hosts—a report that’s
consistent
with those of the early explorers and traders.
Early tribal members depended heavily on
fishing and berry gathering for subsistence. The fern digging-stick was
used to gather fern and other roots. Chisels made of elk horn or hard
gravel/stone
were used to cut or pry wood for building plank-slab houses. The bow
and
arrow was used for hunting. Needles were made of hard arrow wood or
deer
ribs and used in mat-making.
To make fire, a hole was bored in a dry
piece of willow and dry bark or roots were placed inside. Friction from
rotating a hard arrow in the hole caused the materials to ignite,
causing
the willow wood to catch fire.
Bretz said that two beachcombing Siuslaw
inspired the name for the City of Florence:
Two beachcombing Siuslaw found a piece of
flotsam. Intrigued by the printing on the board, they took the slab of
wood to the owner of the town's hotel. Seeing the name on the board,
the
owner hung the shingle over the hotel entrance.
And as the legend tells, this burgeoning
community astride Central Oregon's Siuslaw River was named for a piece
of flotsam from the wreckage of the ship Florence. The Indian name
Osceola
passed into history.
The tribes used wealth as an arbiter of social distinction and political power, yet possessed an atomized society wherein village autonomy prevailed. The Spirit Quest was a rite of passage for most boys and many girls, and enabled tribal members to come to terms with nature and spiritual values. The tribes had a rich, oral literature and a clear cosmology. They maintained peaceful relations with whites during the fur trade, early settlement, and even the Rogue River wars of the 1850s.
Confederation Formed 1855
The Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and
Siuslaw
were linked by the BIA as a confederation in 1855 when they were
removed
to reservations.
Bretz wrote that the Siuslaw roamed freely
in the area until 1852:
That year the Indians signed an agreement with the US government, giving the tribe a reservation of 2.5 million acres of heavily timbered land.
He wrote that at that time, the Siuslaw, numbering about 3,000, were decimated by a smallpox epidemic in 1872:
There were less than 400 members of the tribe remaining after that devastating epidemic, the size of the reservation was reduced. The Indians were offered a homestead of 160 acres around Siuslaw River, or a place on the reservation.
In 1916, The tribes established a formal, elected tribal government, which they have continuously maintained.
Confederation Terminated 1954-1984
In 1954, the Confederated Tribes of Coos,
Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw were terminated by the federal government
under
the Western Oregon Termination Act. As the result of several years of
effort,
The tribes were afforded federal recognition in 1984.
Today, the Confederated Tribes enjoy a
government-to-government
relationship with the US, and are recognized as a sovereign Indian
nation.
The seat of tribal government is Coos Bay, where the tribes maintain a
6.12 acre reservation, held in trust status by the US government. The
current
tribal government consists of at tribal council and chief. The tribal
administrator
and staff conduct day to day business for the confederation.
The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower
Umpqua
and Siuslaw is in the planning stages with the US Bureau of Land
Management,
the US Coast Guard, and Oregon State Parks on a major interpretive
center
for the Oregon Coast.
Coquille River Valley
The rivers that discharge into the
Pacific
along the Southern Oregon Coast are placid and bucolic, with tidewater
often stretching inland for many miles. One of the most beautiful is
the
Coquille, which meanders through a wide, pasture-covered valley.
Highway
42-S skirts along the south side of the river, passing through the tiny
hamlet of Riverton, a former river port located on the south bank of
Coquille
River, about 12 miles east of Bandon. Riverton was a trade center of
farmers
who specialize in pea-raising. The pea-raising farms are recognized by
their vine covered trellises. The post office was established June 30,
1890, with Orlando A. Kelly first postmaster. The Riverton office was
discontinued
November 25, 1903, and re-established September 15, 1906. On May 26,
1961,
Riverton was designated a rural station of Coquille, and was
discontinued
permanently on July 21, 1973.

Coquille
River Lighthouse 1960
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Parkersburgh
The remnants of Parkersburgh are across a
meadow on the south bank of the Coquille near the mouth of Bear Creek.
This place, about three miles east of Bandon, was once a rival of other
Coos County ports. Lumber mills were opened here in 1867-1868, then
shipyards
to build schooners to carry timber to market. Parkersburgh post office
was established August 30, 1877 with Meldon L. Hanscom serving as first
postmaster. The office was named for Capt. Judah Parker, who built a
sawmill
here in 1876. A salmon cannery, built in 1885, brought added prosperity
but was burned some years later. Then lumber traffic was diverted to
deeper
waters and the town died. On March 15, 1919, the Parkersburgh office
closed
to Bandon.
A few miles from the coast, the weather
changes abruptly; marine fogs simply don't penetrate very far inland.
Early
mornings find the quiet river broken with the wakes of a dozen skiffs;
fishermen are out trolling for salmon. This is dairy country; the milk
is condensed and then shipped to Oakland,
where Safeway turns it into ice cream.
Coquille
Coquille,
the seat of Coos County, is as pretty a village as you are likely to
find.
For many years this coastal town of 4,000 was the head of navigation
for
river boats. On their regular runs clumsy old sternwheelers packed with
merchandise and lively with the shouts of laborers, paddled up the
wharves.
But construction of the modern highway destroyed the picturesque
character
of the town, which desires to look as much like other towns as possible.
Coquille post office was established July
1, 1870. Titus B. Willard was first postmaster of this office, located
on the Coquille near the mouth of Cunningham Creek, and about 17 miles
south of Coos Bay.
The Coquille Valley Art Center and a new
golf course suggest that perhaps this valley is becoming a retirement
center,
but there is a plywood plant here, too, and the fellows you see on the
street or downing a beer in a bar are likely to be wearing the
traditional
dress of the logger or forester—blue jeans, a vertical-striped cotton
shirt,
and wide red suspenders.
In the 1960s, the movie theater closed and
people were wondering what to do with their evenings. So the Spouse of
a local physician, a woman still quick on her feet, set about creating
a song-and-dance company that has amused summer audiences ever since.
Every
Saturday night, from Memorial Day to Labor Day, the Sawdust theater
puts
on a "melodrama with olio;" patrons hiss the villain and cheer on the
hero,
all the while enjoying a beer and clapping to the beat of the can can
dancers.
Coquille is a French word meaning "small
shell." Soquel appears in the Oregonian, January 7, 1854, in an
advertisement
of the Coos Bay Company. The name is there said to be Indian for "eel."
Coquette appears on a map of John B. Preston, surveyor-general of
Oregon,
1851, probably intended for Coquille. It appears Coquille in Preston's
map of 1856. French-Canadian fur traders may have left the form of the
name among the Indians. Capt. W. V. Tichenor in Pioneer History of Coos
and Curry Counties, says the Indian name of this stream was
Nes-sa-til-cut,
but gives no further information. In an article in the Coos Bay Times,
November 29, 1943, Mary M. Randleman, Coos County pioneer, says the
word
is of Indian origin and cites a number of early uses of the style
Coquelle
and Coquel. The Handbook of American Indians lists the Mishikhwutmetunne
Indians, who lived along the Coquille River, and says that the Chetco
name
for some of these Indians was Ku-kwil-tunne, and Kiguel in a form
listed
as being used as early as 1846. This seems to indicate an Indian origin
of the name. On October 25, 1938, the Oregonian printed on its
editorial
page an interesting letter from Sam Van Pelt, an aged Indian living at
Brookings, who recounted the difficulties of spelling Indian names with
"English" letters. "Coquilth" was the result of his efforts to produce
the correct sound, but no interpretation of the word was furnished.
The Coquille: Images of the People
Before Europeans came, the Coquille River area was the traditional homeland of the Coquille. Like other Native Americans who lived along Oregon's coast, they were nurtured by the land and the water. The ocean, bay and rivers provided an abundance of food, as did the forests, meadows, and valleys.
The Setting
Along the Southern Oregon Coast, which
excites
the tourist while it repels the sailor, Coos Bay stands out as a
potential
haven. Opening the land to the sea, the Bay unlocks the resources of
the
ocean for the land dweller, and makes the land approachable to
seafarers.
Thus it became an attractive port to Europeans and their descendants in
the 1850s and invited immigrants into the entire south coast.
At Bandon, 20 miles south of Coos Bay, the
mouth of the Coquille River empties into the Pacific. Surrounding it is
the traditional home of the Coquille—a complex set of waterways which
dominate
an area of approximately 200 square miles. The area includes bays,
inlets,
sloughs, rivers, creeks, and lakes. Also of importance are beaches,
small
valleys, meadows, rugged bluffs, and parts of the Coast Range.
Plants and animals were important to the
ancient Coquille. Aquatic environments provided many varieties of
animals
such as fish, clams, oysters, seals, sea lions, and birds. Deer, elk,
bear,
and many smaller mammals were important terrestrial resources.
Vegetation
was used, too. Seaweed, salal, and many types of berries, as well as
trees,
were part of the inventory. Collectively, the area and its resources
provided
food, medicine, clothing, and tools for their way of life. Uniquely,
the
land, water, and the Coquille people were but one.
The People and Their Past
Information regarding the traditional
lifestyle
of the Coquille, as well as other clans along the Oregon Coast, is
sparse.
Yet, from existing evidence and comparison with people in similar
environments,
we are able to portray important aspects of this culture.
For example, Indians on the Southern Oregon
Coast built two basic types of houses. For their permanent winter
villages
they dug foundations several feet into the ground and erected houses of
cedar planks. In the summer temporary conical huts of grass and tree
fibers
on pole frames were built during hunting and foraging trips.
The Coquille had many devices for capturing
game. Traditionally, salmon were captured by baskets or by nets.
Although
fish were cooked in a variety of ways, baking pits dug into the sand
were
quite popular. First, a pit was dug and a fire built in it. When the
wood
was hot, sand was added until it was well heated. The sand and wood
layering
continued and on the next day hot rocks were added to a second pit. In
that pit a whole salmon, covered with mud and wrapped in seaweed, was
baked
with the hot sand as a cover. Seasoning included camas, skunk cabbage
and
other seafoods.
Other material aspects of culture were
baskets,
leather clothing, tools for capturing and preparing game, canoes, and
bows
which were made of yew wood with buckskin for the bow string.
Information
regarding religion, social and political organization, community life,
crafts, and other features has not been recorded, too.
Coquille "Barriers to Development"
The area's natural resources were
attractive
to non-indian settlers. Besides the abundant food supplies, gold, coal,
and timber were stimulus for settlement and development. During the
early
1850s the potential for Coos Bay as a major port between San Francisco
and Portland was realized. The discovery of gold and coal attracted
miners,
farmers, merchants, and those who would settle the area. The Donation
Land
Act of 1850 provided additional stimulus to immigrants.
Shortly after 1850 towns and communities
emerged along the Southern Oregon Coast. Because the Coquille and other
Coastal Indians were perceived as "barriers to development," action was
promptly taken to remove them from their homelands. In the mid-1850s
the
Coquille deeded lands to the government and many were taken to
reservations.
Here some starved, and others were exposed to diseases which were new
to
them. Yet many survived and returned to the new cities built upon their
former lands.
The People and Their Plants
Although radical changes occurred in
Coquille
culture, extinction was not achieved, for the heritage was preserved by
descendants.
In their myths and legends, Coquilles wove
the knowledge of their plants, animals, and other natural resources.
Plants
provided food and were used in medicine, technology, and crafts. The
collection
of plants also tells us about their social organization. Many plants
were
simply eaten fresh. Others were processed so they might be stored
during
winter months. Those which were stored were first steamed to prevent
spoilage,
and then dried.
Many species of plants were harvested,
including
the following:
• Cattail (Typha latifolia): Cattail rhizomes, the plant's underground stems, were eaten fresh, and also were processed for storage. Mixed with lard, cattail down was applied to burns.
• Western Red Cedar (Thuja plicata): Western Red cedar was an especially versatile resource. Fresh cut boughs, both aromatic and insect repellent, were used with deerskin as a floor covering. The rain repellent bark provided an exterior for winter homes and burial wrappings. Western Red cedar possesses a natural antibiotic which may have aided basket and canoe makers who worked with its fibers.
• Oregon Grape (Berberis spp.): The Oregon Grape roots, sometimes called "old people's medicine," was boiled in water to produce a tonic claimed to purify the blood.
• Skunk Cabbage (Lysichitum americanum): This plant was used for a variety of purposes, primarily medicinal. For example, leaves were rubbed on the skin to ward off mosquitoes, and the application of the juice from fresh crushed leaves soothed poison oak infections.
Literally hundreds of plants existed in the Coquille's inventory. Many were used individually, others collectively for special purposes. Information on the role of plants in Coquille culture has been primarily revealed through their oral tradition, and much has been forgotten. Still, the oral tradition of these people embodies their way of life, including their cosmology, or world view.
The Coquille and Their Stories
Stories of Coyote, the Trickster who
transformed
the world and made it fit for human habitation, are told by Coquilles
and
by many other Amerindian tribes. But the stories are unique in each
area
for they identify local places and tell how they came to be as they
are.
For example, Coyote's ravenous romping across the south coast was said
to have distributed wild strawberries and other berries which the
Coquille
depended on, in fresh or dried form, throughout the year. Coyote, who
originally
was a super-human person, unified the human, the natural, and the
supernatural
realms. His lust for life and adventure frequently got him into trouble
and also made exciting tales for the long winter nights. To punish
Coyote
for his deceptions, his son threw a skins over the old man's back and
made
him go henceforth on all four as a coyote.
Many stories, such as the following, which
Wilfred Wasson tells, have a beautiful simplicity:
The World Maker made the world and sent four sounds around the world. Then he went away and never bothered anybody again. In the beginning there wasn't any beach, and so the tides and waves would come inland, and they were always disturbing the people. And so someone—I think it was Coyote—wove a mat, and then the waves and tides couldn't come through. That became the beach.
The Coquille in the 20th Century
After an initial experience with
reservation
life in the mid-19th Century, many Coquille returned to their homeland.
Where their villages once stood there now were towns, mines, and farms.
Where the camas had grown, there were now farmers' fields. Forests were
being cut. But the people, too, had changed, and not by choice.
The old way of life was not workable in
the new cultural world, but It was not forgotten. In the 1980s the
Coquille
are working to preserve their culture. More than a tribe, they are a
family,
held together by a knowledge of their heritage and their ancestors.
The Coquille are typical of many indigenous
clans in Oregon, such as the Kalapuya,
who were thought to be extinct. Not so. Remnants of their culture
remain
and are nourished as they pass from generation to generation.
Myrtle Point
Myrtle
Point is located about nine miles south of Coquille on Coquille
River. The early history of the town is given by Orvil Dodge in his
History
of Coos and Curry Counties. It was a natural rendezvous of the Indians.
Henry Myers laid out the town about 1861 and named it Meyersville. It
remained
a paper community until 1866 when Christian Lehnherr bought the
property,
and built a small flour mill. He named the place Ott in compliment to
an
old friend and his son. Lehnherr became the first postmaster on August
27, 1872. Binger Hermann and Edward Bender became interested in the
townsite,
incorporated in 1887, and suggested the name be changed to Myrtle
Point.
Postal records show that the name of the Ott post office was changed to
Myrtle Point on December 29, 1876. Bender was first postmaster of the
Myrtle
Point office. There are numerous groves of Oregon myrtle in this area,
and in fact this has been designated part of Oregon's Myrtle Corridor
from
Coos Bay to Roseburg.
This Oregon or Coos Bay myrtle is the same
as California laurel (Umbellularia californica). It is an evergreen
tree,
distinguished by a strong camphor odor. In favorable conditions it
grows
80 feet high and four feet in diameter. In the dense forest it grows
with
a clean straight trunk, but elsewhere and most commonly it has a thick
trunk and large low limbs. Its range in Oregon is in the Coast Range
and
Siskiyou
Mountains. It has a beautiful grain and excels as a cabinet and
finishing wood. Myrtle grows extensively in Southwest Oregon.
The Oregon Connection
Myrtle wood carving of bowls, clocks,
tables,
and other utensils, is an Oregon folk art with a long history, that is
still carried on today at the Oregon Connection in Coos Bay.
In 1869, the golden spike marking the
completion
of the nation's first transcontinental railroad was driven into a
highly
polished myrtle wood tie. Novelist Jack London was so taken by the
beauty
of the wood's swirling grain that he ordered an entire suite of
furniture.
Hudson's Bay trappers used myrtle wood leaves to brew tea as a remedy
for
chills.
During the Depression years, the City of
North Bend issued myrtle wood coins after the only bank in town failed.
The coins ranged from 50 cents to $10 and are still redeemable—though
they
are worth far more as collector items.
Bandon
Bandon, located 24 miles south of Coos
Bay,
is a community on the south side of the mouth of Coquille River. The
town,
which is near the site of an Amerindian village, was first called The
Ferry
and then Averill. Lord George Bennett, an Irish nobleman, who settled
here
in 1873, finally gave the place the name of his native town, Bandon,
on Bandon River, County Cork, Ireland. Bennett married Katherine Ann
Scott
Harrison, and three children were born to them, two of whom were
prominent
citizens of Coos County. He imported the Irish furze, that in early
spring
yellows the sand hills along the highway southward; a thorny shrub, its
pea-like flowers have an odor similar to that of coconut oil.

An Englishman, William Davidson, known
locally
as Billy Buckhorn, is said to have been the first resident. Bandon post
office was established September 12, 1877, with John Lewis first of a
long
line of postmasters.
This Oregon community, sometimes called
Bandon-By-The-Sea, could as fittingly be called Phoenix. Like the
mythical
bird, Bandon has twice risen from its own ashes after fire consumed it.
In 1914, a fire left a large part of
downtown
Bandon a smoldering heap. Then on September 26, 1936, fire again swept
through the town. This time nearly 2,000 residents were evacuated, and
Bandon was reduced to charred rubble. An abandoned lighthouse at the
south
end of Coquille River was one of the few structures left standing after
the fire.
On that "Black Saturday" the hope that
Bandon
would become the most prominent port between Portland and San Francisco
was forever dashed.
Reconstruction was begun in 1938 with
federal
aid and on plans prepared by the Oregon State Planning Board, which
provided
for a better arrangement of facilities, wide streets, recreational
areas,
and better educational facilities. Trees and grasses were planted on
the
burned over environs and the design of business structures was
controlled.
The long-term result was the emergence of a seaside hamlet with a
relaxed
pace and innate charm neither Portland nor San Francisco could even
remotely
approximate.
In recent years the travel industry has
gained importance in Bandon, and the town has grown and improved,
attracting
a lively lot of artists and artisans. More than three dozen artists
live
and work in the area. The city also has enough cowboy philosophers,
yarn-spinning
old salts, mystics, and iconoclasts to keep things interesting.
Bandon Bogs
Reddish-tinged ground in flood-irrigated
fields come into view from the vantage point of US-101 between Port
Orford
and ten miles north of Bandon. A closer look reveals, cranberries,
small
evergreens that creep along the ground and send out runners that take
root.
Along the runners, upright branches six to eight inches long are
formed,
on which pink flowers and fruits develop.
These berries are cultivated in bogs to
satisfy their tremendous need for water and to protect them against
insects
and winter cold. Bandon leads Oregon in this crop, with an output
ranking
third in the nation. Oregon berries are often used in juice production
by Ocean Spray because of their deep red pigment and high vitamin C
content.
The Bandon crop could well take on a higher profile nationally due to
the
nationwide demise of wild bees (over 90 percent have been killed) who
are
the principal cranberry pollinators. On the Oregon Coast, domestic bees
have taken up the breach left in the wake of their winged counterparts
killed by a European mite infestation.
Oregon bogs were producing wild cranberries
when Lewis and Clark first traded with the Indians for them in 1805.
Shortly
thereafter, cultivated bogs were developed in Massachusetts, which like
in Oregon had acid soils with lots of organic materials conducive to
berry
production. By the California goldrush of 1849, East Coast growing and
harvesting techniques had transformed Bandon’s marshes into commercial
cranberry bogs. In the years to come, much of the modern equipment for
harvesting these bogs was developed in Bandon. Wet-picking, for
instance,
is facilitated by the water reel, which is rotated to create eddies on
the bog to shake berries off the vines. After they float to the
surface,
the cranberries are pushed by long booms toward the submerged hopper.
They
are then transferred by conveyer belt onto trucks. Walking through the
bogs without trampling the berries is made possible by fastening wooden
platforms with short pegs to the soles of boots.
Without such innovations, Thanksgiving
dinner
wouldn't be the same. In order to bring the enormous annual volume of
cranberries
to the dinner table for the holidays, all these harvesting techniques
as
well as processing and packaging technology are called into play.
Bandon Cheese
The history of Bandon
Cheese began with the development of pasture lands during the
1880s
which lead to the advance of dairy farming in Southern Oregon. Few good
roads existed in the area so milk was transported from Coquille River
dairy
farms to the original Bandon Cheese and Produce Company by sternwheeler
river boat.
Bandon Cheese is one of the few remaining
cheese plants that at one time thrived along the Oregon Coast. It is
because
of the unique flavor and the recognized legendary quality of the
product
that the company still in business today.
The process begins with the daily pickup
of fresh whole milk from local dairy farms. The milk is pasteurized and
pumped into long stainless steel vats. Special culture is added and
allowed
to properly develop. When the desired acidity is achieved, enzymes are
added in order to coagulate the milk. Wire knives (harps) are pulled
through
the pudding like milk which forms the curd. Immediately the curd begins
to separate from they whey. The curds are then stirred and slowly
cooked
until firm.
After cooking, the whey is drained and the
important "hand cheddaring" process begins, setting Bandon products
apart
from other Cheddar cheese on the market. The curd soon begins to mat
and
is hand cut into large slabs. The slabs are turned over and stacked
several
times.
Hand stacking is the critical cheddaring
process which compresses the whey out of the curd and gives Bandon
Cheese
its unique flavor and texture.
When the culture has reached its optimum
growth level the slabs of cheddared, curd are sent through shredders
(mills),
salted, and placed in 40-pound hoops to be pressed overnight. The
cheese
goes into cold storage and a controlled aging process begins.
Bandon Cheese is aged a minimum of 60 days
for medium and at least nine months for sharp. Each vat may vary just a
bit. Some may take a little longer in order to reach the desired level
of flavors and texture for which the company become known.
The company still maintains that producing
fine cheese is an art and cannot be short-cut.
Coquille River Lighthouse
One of the most prominent Bandon
landmarks
is the Coquille River Lighthouse.
Coquille
River Lighthouse is located at Bullards Beach on the north bank
of the Coquille River entrance. It was commissioned in 1886 to guide
mariners
across a dangerous bar. It was decommissioned in 1939 following
improvements
to the river channel and the installation of other navigational aids.
The
squat but attractive lighthouse was restored in 1979 as an interpretive
center, and is kept in good repair. Its solar-powered system operates
an
ornamental light atop the 47-foot octagonal tower. The lighthouse
stands
in a highly-rated wildlife viewing area.

Coquille River
Boats 1940
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Sixes
The town of Sixes
was
named for the nearby Sixes River, which was in turn was named by miners
of the Southern Oregon goldrush with a corruption of the Chinook jargon
salutation, Klahowya Sikhs. Volume I of the Handbook of American
Indians,
under the heading Kwatami,
a subdivision of the Tututni, lists a number of alternative forms of
the
tribe name, but the form of spelling, "Sixes," was used as early as
October
1855.
The Kwatami or Quatama, occupied three
settlements.
The principle village was situated on Sixes Creek just north of Cape
Blanco.
In 1861, the tribe was later located on the Siletz Reservation, and
consisted
of 32 men, 41 women, and 53 children.
The earliest Sixes post office, established
February 13, 1888, was not located on Sixes River, but on Elk River
about
five miles east of Port Orford. Newton Divilbiss was the first
postmaster.
That office was discontinued August 24, 1889, and when it was reopened
May 18, 1905, it was located near its present site; the crossing of
Sixes
River by US-101.
Sixes River, after which the settlement
was named, is an important stream flowing into the Pacific Ocean just
north
of Cape Blanco (42° 50' 14"), and draining a considerable part of
Northern
Curry County. L. B. Sprugeon, postmaster at Sixes office in 1926, wrote
that it was named for a local chief, Sixes William, who died in 1894,
and
is buried in the Lower Siletz Area Cemetery. George Davidson, in the
Coast
Pilot for 1869, had a different history of the name and says that in
1851
it was usually called Sikhs River. On some maps he found the name of a
stream in that locality shown as Sequalchin River.
The Indian village on Sikhs River was known
as Te-cheh-kutt. Capt. W. V. Tichenor, in Pioneer History of Coos and
Curry
Counties, says the Indian name of Sixes River was Sa-qua-mi Les.
Along the upper waters of the Sixes, which
is teeming with steelhead, are some gold deposits and in the early days
black sands near its mouth yielded considerable dust to diligent
panners.
Cape Blanco
In 1602, Sebastian
Vizcaino (1550-1616) sailed from Acapulco at the head of an
exploring
expedition, and after one of his ships had turned back to Monterey,
Vizcaino
in his ship and Martin de Aguilar in a fragata, left Monterey on
January
3, 1603, sailing northward. During a storm the two ships separated and
Vizcaino sailed up the coast alone, reaching a point which he named
Cape
San Sebastian on January 20. He returned to Acapulco without meeting
the
fragata. In the meantime de Aguilar also sailed northward, and he
records
that on January 19 he reached the 43rd parallel, and found a point
which
his pilot, Flores, named Cape
Blanco, because of its chalky appearance.
North of the cape he reported a large river. Here he turned back. Most
of the crew of the fragata, including de Aguilar, died on the way to
Acapulco.
H. R. Wagner in Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America, Volume
I,
describes this voyage and calls attention to the fact that Cape Blanco
was mentioned in the instructions, so that name was already in use
before
1602. The recorded latitudes of this expedition are too great and there
is nothing to show that the members ever reached the coast of Oregon or
saw what is now Cape Blanco. The large Heceta-Bodega map prepared as a
result of the 1775 expedition refers to this point as Cabo Diligensias.
Bodega was off the cape September 27, 1775. On March 12, 1778, Capt.
James
Cook (1728-1799) writes of his discovery of Cape Arago (43° 18'
29"),
which he called Cape Gregory, and stated that he thought he observed
the
Cape Blanco of de Aguilar in proximity. He was too far away to see the
mouth of Coos Bay. On April 24, 1792, Capt. George Vancouver
(1757-1798)
sighted what we now know as Cape Blanco, and named it Cape Orford in
honor
of George, Earl of Orford (1720-1791), his "much respected friend."
George,
third Earl of Orford was the grandson of Sir
Robert Walpole (1676-1745), first Earl of Orford and was the
nephew
of the fourth Earl of Orford, the famous Horace Walpole (1717-1797).
Vancouver
determined its latitude at 42• 52', very nearly its true position.
There
was some speculation on Vancouver's ship as to whether or not it was
the
Cape Blanco of de Aguilar, but the position and its dark color "did not
seem to entitle it to the appellation of Cape Blanco." Vancouver brings
up the matter again in his Voyage of Discovery in the latter part of
the
entry for April 25. He passed and identified Cape Gregory (now Cape
Arago)
of Capt. Cook, and made reasonably accurate determination of its
latitude,
through he noted the difference between his figures and Cook's. There
was
no other important point and he said: "This induced me to consider the
above point as the Cape Gregory of Capt. Cook, with a probability of
its
being also the Cape Blanco of de Aguilar, if land hereabouts the latter
ever saw." Vancouver finished his observations for the day by
expressing
a doubt that Cook saw Cape Blanco or any other cape south of Cape
Gregory
on March 27, 1778, and stated that it was fair to presume that what
Cook
saw was an inland mountain. Notwithstanding all these facts the name
Cape
Blanco has persisted for the most western cape of Oregon, even though
it
may not have originally been applied to it, and Vancouver's name Cape
Orford
has fallen into disuse.

Beach at Port
Orford on the Oregon Coast Highway
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Cape Blanco Lighthouse
Built on 47.7 acres of land, Cape Blanco
Lighthouse towers above the western-most point in Oregon, nine miles
north
of Port Orford off US-101.
A two family dwelling was built for keepers
quarters, with fireplaces in each room for heat. Several small
buildings
were constructed to house oil and other necessities. Most materials
used
for construction were shipped in, however, the bricks were made
locally.
Lt. Col. R. S. Williamson was the engineer of record, he rejected
nearly
20,000 of the 200,000 bricks as inferior. Finally, the light station
was
completed and H. Burnap was hired as the first keeper. On the even of
December
20, 1890 the Fresnel lens shown forth for the first time. Total cost
for
the station, $100,000.
French physicist Augustin
Jean Fresnel (1788-1826) made the greatest stride in lighthouse
technology when he invented his optic system. Fresnel's system uses
prisms
to focus the light lost above and below the light source, back into a
single
beam of light. The light is focused through the center of the lens or
"bullseye"
creating a highly visible beam of light.
Fresnel investigated polarized light with
another French physicist, Dominique Francois Jean Arago (1786-1853),
for
whom Cape Arago is named.

This isolated lighthouse holds at least
four Oregon records: it is the oldest continuously operating light; the
most westward point in Oregon; the highest above sea level (the cliff
top
location is 245 feet above sea level; the conical tower is similar to
Yaquina
Head, but rises just 59 feet); and Oregon's first woman keeper, Mabel
F.
Bretherton, signed on in 1903.
Cape Blanco's history is full of shipwrecks
and lives saved. One notable shipwreck was of the J. A. Chanslor (an
oil
tanker) in 1919. Of the 30 passengers, only three survived the
collision
with an offshore rock.
Langlois
Langlois
is located near Floras Creek, a well-known stream in the north end of
the
county, flowing into the Pacific Ocean, some six miles north of Cape
Blanco.
A dairyman's trade town, the place was named for the Langlois family
which
had for many years been prominent in Curry County. William V. Langlois
was born on the Island of Guernsey, English Channel, and came to Curry
County in 1854. His wife was Mary A. King.
In the early days two cooperages plants
supplied nearby towns with tubs for preserving fish. Later two sawmills
appeared and are still operating.
Langlois post office was established April
4, 1881, with Frank M. Langlois first postmaster. The name of the post
office was changed to Denmark on March 28, 1882, and the Langlois
office
was reestablished on July 21, 1887.
A number of their children have been
prominent
in Curry County affairs. Their son, James Langlois, and James Hughes
were
Cape Blanco's most distinguished lightkeepers.
Hughes was the second son of Jane and
Patrick
Hughes, whose 2,000 acre ranch bordered the Light Station property.
Cape Blanco Catholic Church
Over lupine-covered hills, in a thicket of rhododendrons and azaleas, are the ruins of Cape Blanco Catholic Church. Bats cling to the altar and the glass in the pointed window frames is shattered. By the walk is the flower-matted grave of Patrick Hughes, founder of the parish and builder of the church.
Sunset to Sunrise
Both men served at Cape Blanco, Langlois
42 years and Hughes at least 33 years. Their job included keeping the
light
working from sunset to sunrise. Langlois and Hughes, along with many
others,
diligently kept the lamps clean, and the huge Fresnel lens polished.
The original Cape Blanco lens was a first
order, fixed, Fresnel lens (non-rotating). The lens probably had
drum-shaped
panels to provide the steady beam of white light that was Cape Blanco's
signal, according to the 1900 Light List (Light Lists were published so
mariners could identify the lights and their signals).
Sometime after the 1911 Light List was
published,
Cape Blanco's signal changed. The new signal provided flashes of light,
instead of a steady beam. The change was accomplished by using a
clockwork
system that lowered a shield around the light source at intervals to
provide
the flash. This change added "winding the clockworks" the keepers list
of duties.
In late 1935, or early 1936, the lighthouse
was electrified and the actual lens was replaced with an eight-sided,
rotating
new lens in France by Henry
LePaute. The new lens coupled with the speed as it turned,
provided
a flash of light every 20 seconds.
The second lens is listed on various light
lists as both a first order and a second order lens, "orders" being a
size
classification. Cape Blanco's lens measures 4' 8" in diameter and 6' 8"
tall. It is larger than a second order (4' 7" by 6' 10") lens. We do
not
know what happened to the original lens after it was shipped to the
Tongue
Point Depot by way of the steamer Manzanita.
A 1,000 watt incandescent bulb, replaces
Cape Blanco's soot-producing oil lamps of old. Gone are the keepers who
spent hours polishing the magnificent lens and winding the clockworks.
Today, it rotates with the help of a 120 volt, 75 RPM electric motor,
specially
manufactured for lighthouse duty. The electrified light flashes its
230,000
candlepower beam 1.8 seconds bright (flash) every 18.2 seconds.
Sea Otters
A colony of sea otters, peering out from
above the whitecaps about 200 yards offshore, can be sighted down on
the
beach below Cape Blanco. The progenitors of this colony were
transported
here courtesy of the Atomic Energy Commission in 1970. At that time, a
planned bomb test in the Aleutians compelled the AEC to move 95 of
these
animals to this area. In addition to Cape Blanco, they've been sighted
south of Port Orford.
Between 1775 and 1823, over 100,000 sea
otters were killed for their pelts, many along the Oregon Coast. They
became
the frivolous trappings of royalty, selling in Paris for as much as
$1,000
a piece. After sea otters were declared extinct south of the Aleutians
in 1911, they became a protected species.
The first accounts of the plunder of the
sea otter should have brought about their protection long before the
20th
century. An early as 19th Century Spanish journal described the colony
off Monterey, California as playful and intelligent. It detailed how a
typical otter would dive hundreds of feet down to pull an abalone off a
rock; would reemerge on the surface on its back, shell in paw; and
then,
using its belly for a table, would crack the shell open with a rock.
In addition to the Spanish chronicler's
fascination with otter dining behavior, he noted another human-like
trait
when a mother sea otter was observed putting her infant in a cradle of
kelp. The account went on to describe the mother's reaction upon
returning
with food and finding her offspring missing; she emitted human-like
cries
of grief for days on end, eventually starving herself to death.
Port Orford
Situated on a craggy marine terrace above
a protected harbor, Port Orford, located 54 miles north of the
California-Oregon
state line, is the westernmost incorporated city in the continuous US.
In recent years this rambling village has suffered the same financial
woes
that have befallen many coastal communities, whose economies have
depended
primarily upon timber and commercial fishing. Port Orford has been
slower
than most to recover.
Port Orford's harbor is a coastal cove,
not an estuary, so vessels have no river bar to cross. In calm weather
come commercial boats, sport craft, and sailing vessels anchor in the
scenic
cove. Most boats, however, rest in unusual berths at this unique
waterfront;
there are no customary docks, floats, or moorage slips. Instead, boats
are cradled on rubber-tired dollies atop a large wharf and are launched
and retrieved by a hoist capable of handling vessels up to 42 feet long
and weighing up to 26,000 pounds.
Depending on the time of the year,
commercial
boats return to port with catches of salmon, black cod (sable fish),
bottom
fish, shrimp, or crab. Recently Port Orford has also become the center
of Oregon's sea urchin fishery.
In the timber world the Port Orford vicinity
is well known for a beautiful tree bearing the same name. Port Orford
cedar
is an aromatic, straight-grained tree, native to a small local range.
The
durable wood has seen a number of uses over the years, from Indians'
canoes
and dwellings to battery separators, venetian-blind slats, house
siding,
and decking.
The tree's beauty, ironically, may lead
to its eventual extinction. The attractive cedars have been cultured in
nurseries and used as ornamentals for more than 65 years. A root
fungus,
once confined to nurseries, has now spread to the forests and is
attacking
trees throughout their range. Only the discovery of a way to combat the
spreading fungus will save the rest of these exquisite trees from
extinction.
Captain William V. Tichenor 1851
Capt. William V. Tichenor, who founded
the
town of Port Orford in 1851, was born at Newark, New Jersey, in 1813.
In
1843 he settled in Illinois and in 1848 was elected state senator from
Edgar County. In 1849 he started for California and engaged in the sea
trade. In 1851 he commanded the steamer Sea Gull, one of the first in
the
San Francisco-Columbia River trade. He lost the steamer at Humbolt Bay
on January 22, 1852, but saved the lives of all on board and was given
a gold watch for heroism. He brought is family there the following May.
He gave up sea life in 1868 and settled down at his home in Port
Orford. He died in San Francisco July 28,
1887, and was buried in the family cemetery at Port Orford. He was a
public
spirited and highly respected citizen of Southwest Oregon.
In June 1851, Tichenor endeavored to
establish
a commercial enterprise at Port Orford. He engaged J. M. Kirkpatrick
and
a number of others to go to Port Orford where the party was landed and
provisioned on what is now known as Battle Rock. The party was besieged
by Indians and an actual battle was fought on June 10, 1851, at which
time
17 Coquille were killed, mostly by fire from a small cannon.
Kirkpatrick
and his party finally succeeded in stealing away from the rock after
several
days' siege and made their way north along the coast until they reached
settlements of the whites. When Tichenor's representative returned by
sea
he found the contingent gone and assumed it had been killed by the
Indians.
Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown reflected
on the incident:
Along the Southern Oregon Coast the confrontations continued. At dawn on June 10, 1851, Indians gathered for a war dance to ready themselves to challenge party of whites who had landed with cannon the previous day at Battle Rock at Port Orford. The whites were from the ship Sea Gull, under Captain William V. Tichenor. They had come to lay out a townsite and search eastward through the Coast Range. After the ship sailed off, the Indians attacked those who had disembarked, firing arrows at them on the rocks. Most of the missiles passed over the heads of the settlers. The Indians then rushed the rocky beachhead on which the tiny party held its ground. After a brief skirmish, in which 20 Coquille were reported killed, the Indians retreated to plan a counterattack. Some days later they returned, reinforced in numbers and harangue from Chief John, they broke into a prolonged yell and then swarmed down the bank, across the beach and up a narrow path to the driftwood breastworks. The whites fired their cannon into the breastworks, forcing the natives to retreat. From behind the rocks and trees the Indians arched their arrows into Battle Rock. During the night the whites stole away, eventually reaching Willamette River.
Battle Rock Myth Exposed 1997
Some of the signs at Oregon state parks are wrong. At Port Orford, a historical marker at Battle Rock tells of “heroic” non-indian squatters fending off a vicious Indian attack. Louis A. McArthur (1883-1951) perpetuates the myth:
Battle Rock is at the shoreline of Port Orford and is a massive black of rock standing well above the water. In June 1851, Captain William V. Tichenor, who commanded the steamer, Sea Gull, operating between the Columbia and San Francisco, endeavored to establish a commercial enterprise at Port Orford. His party was besieged by Indians and an actual battle was fought on June 10, 1851, at which time 17 Indians were killed, mostly by fire from a small cannon.
It didn't happen that way, according to
records
recently uncovered by University of Oregon students at the Smithsonian
Institution and the National Archives in Washington DC.
More than 60,000 forgotten government papers
were unearthed as part of the Southwestern Oregon Research Project
(SWORP)
begun in 1995 by George Wasson, a University of Oregon graduate student
in anthropology. The project was a cooperative venture between the
Coquille
Nation, the University of Oregon, and the Smithsonian.
Wasson, a Coquille, had hoped to find
confirmation
of an oral tribal history that was quite different from the written
history
of the tribe's first meeting with whites. Joined by fellow University
of
Oregon students and Coquille tribal members Denni Mitchell, Jason
Younker,
and Shirod Younker, Wasson examined government records, maps, treaties,
letters, and diaries of enlisted soldiers and government agents.
What they found confirmed tribal tales of
brutal treatment by white gold diggers and land grabbers on the Oregon
Coast. "The history books tell a different story than what is passed
down
from your elders," says Jason Younker, a graduate student in
archaeology.
“We went to Washington DC to confirm what we knew in our hearts.”
Their first order of business was to obtain
copies of the documents and donate them to the University of Oregon
Knight
Library, where they will be available to scholars and historians.
Further copies were also presented to
leaders
of six coastal tribes at a "potlatch," or Indian gift-giving ceremony,
during the Indian literature conference at the University of Oregon
this
past spring. The potlatch was the largest gathering of coastal tribes
in
more than 150 years.
The Southwestern Oregon Research Project
uncovered more than anyone expected, but researchers agree that there
is
much more hidden in the boxes and microfilm in Washington—particularly
concerning events after the federal government forced the tribes onto a
reservation at Yachats in the mid-1880s.
The original project didn't cover the
reservation
years, says Steadman Upham, University of Oregon vice provost for
research
and dean of the University of Oregon Graduate School. "The University
is
very open to extending SWORP to document that important period in
Northwest
history."
And the historical marker at Port Orford?
It's being changed.
Prehistoric Rain Garden
Midway between historic Port Orford and
Gold
Beach is the Prehistoric
Rain Garden, one of the most unusual
attractions
in the world. This is the rain forest that recreated a world of
lifesize
replicas of dinosaurs and other prehistoric animals among profusely
growing,
primitive plants. One is transported back in time by strolling among
the
luxuriant ferns and moss covered trees and following the weird forms of
animal life that disappeared from the earth over 70 million years ago.
Rain forests are located in small coastal
valley pockets, surrounded by hills, and protected from fierce winter
storms.
The climate must be mild, few winds, rich soil, and exceptionally heavy
rainfall (six to ten feet per year). This brings about the super
growing,
giant, lush undercover of skunk cabbages with elephant ear tropical
leaves,
trees that live for hundreds of years, and innumerable mosses and ferns
cascading from the trees. Rain forests range from Northern California
to
British Columbia but few are accessible on a main highway as is this
one.
Ophir
About 16 miles south of Port Orford is
the
little town of Ophir,
situated on US-101, just south of the mouth of Euchre Creek.
Euchre Creek takes its name from the Tututni
band Yukicketunne. The name indicates "people at the mouth of the
river."
The Handbook of American Indians, among others, gives the following
forms
of the name: Euchees, Eucher, Euchre, Eu-qua-chee, Euchres and
Yoquichacs.
George Davidson, in the Coast Pilot, refers to the stream as Ukah Creek
for the U-kahtan-nae tribe. Miners applied the corruption Euchre Creek
in the early 1850s, apparently influenced by the name of an historic
card
game played nearby by cowboys in pioneer days. Developed in 1841,
euchre
is a card game in which each player is dealt five cards and the player
making trump must take three tricks to win a hand. Euchre Butte in Lake
County, a prominent mountain north of Lake Abert, is also said to have
been so named because of the game. Davidson says that the Euchre Creek
was also called Savage Creek, but the name is not explained and has not
persisted.
Accurate information about the name of
Euchre
Mountain seems hard to obtain, but it is generally believed that the
word
“euchre” was also used by pioneer surveyors as a approximation of the
Indian
name of the “mountain.” Perhaps it was a skookum place. The USGS gives
the height of Euchre Mountain as 2,452 feet. The late Robert L. Benson
suggested to in 1977 that the name might be another of the transplanted
names that accompanied the Southern Oregon Indians exiled to the Grand
Ronde and Siletz reservations. In the old cowboy card game, the player
who is euchred is prevented from winning three tricks, and the word
gradually
took on the meaning of "trick" and "cheat" By way of extension, the
Southern
Oregon Indians were definitely euchred out of their land and culture.
The Euchring of Euchre Bill
The euchring of Euchre Bill further
illustrates
this intriguing play on words, brought on by a careless Caucasian
corruption.
Indian juries, who were selected by agents
to assist the Indians often sent to the Skookum House, or jail, Indians
violating their own traditional codes or those that the agents sought
for
them. One graphic example of differing Indian-white codes sending a red
offender to the place of incarceration occurred on the Siletz
Reservation:
overreacting to the sanguine admission of Euchre Bill that he had eaten
the heart of a fallen white foe, the agent physically assaulted him
before
confinement. From agents, Indians received more orthodox punishment in
the form of whipping—the practice employed by fur traders and even
missionaries.
Ophir: The Source of Fine Gold
Ophir post office, named for a mysterious
region in Southern Arabia from whence the products of India were
brought
to the West, was established on June 5, 1891, with Elizabeth J. Burrow
first postmaster. The name calls attention to the gold-bearing black
sands
of the Southern Oregon Coast.
A region celebrated for its proverbially
fine gold and almug trees, Ophir first appears in historical narrative
during the United Monarchy as the source of the 3,000 talents of fine
gold
left by David for the temple (I Chr. 29:4). It was also the place from
which a fleet of ships, built by Solomon at Ezion-geber and manned by
Phoenicians
and Israelites, brought 420 talents of gold, silver, almug trees,
precious
stones, ivory, and two kinds of monkeys to Israel (I Kings 9:28;
10:11=II
Chr. 8:18; 9:10).
In the ninth century, Jehoshaphat attempted
to duplicate Solomon's expeditions to Ophir, but his ships were broken
up at Ezion-geber before setting sail (I Kings 22:48—H 22:49).
Ophir is also mentioned in an inscription
on a shard found at Tell Qasileh, probably biblical Aphek. The
inscription,
which is attributed to the 8th Century BC, reads: "Gold of Ophir for
[or
belonging to] Beth-horon, 30 shekels." This is the first nonbiblical
mention
of Ophir discovered to date.
The fame of Ophir's gold is also mentioned
in poetic and prophetic passages as a symbol of greatest opulence (Job
22:24; 28:16; Ps. 45:9—H 45:10; Isa. 13:12).
The location of Ophir has been much
disputed;
it has been variously placed in India, Arabia, and Africa.
The region of Somaliland, with a possible
extension to the neighboring coast of Southern Arabia, is the most
probable
identification of Ophir as yet proposed. The products of Ophir (I Kings
9:28; 10:11) are the same as those of the Egyptian Punt, and included
such
characteristic African products as gold, silver, ivory, and two kinds
of
monkeys. it is likely that Ophir and Punt were in the same general
Egyptian
reliefs which portray an African culture and environment and list
imported
products such as myrrh trees, which in Africa grow only in this region.
Thus it is quite probable that Ophir was in this same region.
The voyage to Ophir is said to have required
three years, which probably meant one full year and parts of two
others,
according to Semitic reckoning. The fleet would leave Ezion-geber in
the
late autumn of one year, call at Ophir and possibly other ports en
route
as well during the second year, and return to Ezion-geber in the spring
of the third year. Such voyages to a region no more distant than Ophir
were quite possible, since we have numerous records of Egyptian voyages
to Punt from the Fifth Dynasty through the period of the New Kingdom.
Gold Beach
We pass through rugged headlands and
bluffs
rising straight from the seas as we drive back from Brookings to Gold
Beach.
This is the home of some of the most rugged and wild of Oregon's
coastal
scenery. The road dips and climbs and curves and climbs again... We
glimpse
a small group of sea lions frolicking in their habitat, and enjoy the
salty
fragrance of the ocean, the cool breeze, and surf-washed coastline.
Wynne
Gibson

Gold Beach on
the Oregon Coast
Photo Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Gold Beach, a picturesque village at the
mouth of Rouge River, was once a crossroads of a sort. Orientals,
Indians
and adventurers gathered at the log cabin saloon that was also the
county
courthouse in the 1850 when gold was discovered in the sands of Curry
County
beaches. They were the scene of operations of hundreds of placer miners
in pioneer days. Floodwaters swept the beach clean of gold in 1861,
though
upstream mining continued for years.
This particular beach was at the mouth of
Rogue River, and the settlement there was for some years known as
Ellensburg,
but it is said that there was confusion with Ellensburg, in Washington
Territory, and the name was changed to Gold Beach. The name Ellensburg
was derived from Sarah Ellen Tichenor, daughter of Capt. W. V. Tichenor.
H. H. Bancroft and Frances Fuller Victor
both refer to the fact that the settlement at the mouth of Rogue River
was once known as Whaleshead, but some say that is a mistake. What is
now
known as Whaleshead Island is some distance south of Gold Beach.
Sebastopol
was also one of the early names for the place.
In the 19th Century, trappers, miners, and
homesteaders came to the Rogue, followed by loggers and ranchers.
Although
they ultimately settled the land, they never tamed the river.
If it weren't for the Rogue, Gold Beach
would have disappeared as quickly as they found gold in its sands.
Gold Beach post office was established March
25, 1890. Charles Dewey was first postmaster of this office, located on
the south bank of Rogue River at its mouth.
Mail boats started making the upstream trip
to Agness in
1895,
when it took several days of rowing to travel 32 miles upstream from
Gold
Beach; now, jet boats shoot upriver in tow hours.

The broad, uncrowded beaches, stretching
north and south from the mouth of the Rogue, attract whale watchers,
beachcombers,
clam diggers, kite fliers, hikers, surf fishermen, and wind surfers—and
prophets.
In March 1997, Gold Beach, located 37 miles
north of the California-Oregon state line, gained international
recognition
following the Heaven's Gate suicides in Southern California:
Some followers of Heaven's Gate embarked on a bus trip to Santa Rosa, California, and to Gold Beach, Oregon, the place where cult leader Marshall Applewhite first found his calling in the wilderness. They continued on to Ashland, Oregon, and Sacramento, California, running up more than $2,000 in hotel bills.
There's Gold in Them Thar Hills
Geologists estimate that the prospectors
of the 1850s and commercial mining operations that followed found only
25 percent of Oregon's potential take. With the wild gyrations of the
timber-dependent
economy, and gold fetching several hundred dollars a troy ounce, it's
not
wonder that many out-of-work loggers and other people have taken to
gold
panning in the waterways of Southern Oregon.
Almost all streams in Coos, Curry, Douglas,
and Jackson counties are good sources of color. "Color" referred to the
flecks and bright chips of metal sometimes called gold dust; larger
odd-shaped
lumps of gold are nuggets. The gold originally comes from veins in the
mountains, where it is washed out by winter whether. Spring floods and
heavy rains carry the gold downstream. The density of gold causes it to
settle in obstructions (like moss), in quiet water behind boulders, or
at the base of waterfalls. These deposits of gold can vary from fine
gold
flecks to a bonanza of nuggets.
Samuel H. Boardman State Park
Samuel
H. Boardman (1874-1953) was no park builder, but he personally
carried out the acquisition of nearly 56,000 acres of Oregon park land
in the 1930s and 1940s.
Boardman was born in Lowell, Massachusetts,
and for some years followed the construction and engineering business.
In 1903, while stationed at Leadville, Colorado, he became interested
in
the Pacific Northwest and came to Oregon. He got a job with A. M. Drake
at Bend, but on the way to Central Oregon, he ran into smallpox at Shaniko,
and lost interest in the Deschutes country. He returned to Portland,
and
in the same year he filed on a homestead where the town of Boardman is
now situated. For 13 years the Boardmans snuffed sand and worked to
develop
irrigated land. At odd times he was engaged in railroad and highway
construction
and his Spouse taught school to help with the expenses. The town of
Boardman
was platted in 1916. S. H. Boardman was continually interested in the
phenomena
of nature, and as a result of employment by the Oregon State Highway
Department
in 1916, he put his attention to roadside improvement and state park
development.
As Oregon’s first state park engineer, Boardman
delegated
much of the day-to-day administration of his agency so he could
concentrate
on negotiating for land to build up the parks system. Under his
administration,
Oregon park acreage went from 4,000 to nearly 60,000. In many cases,
Boardman
was able to persuade land owners to donate their property to the parks
department. Locally, these negotiations resulted in parks or waysides
at
the Devil's Punch Bowl, South Beach, Otter Crest, Yachats and Newport.
Despite his accomplishments, he probably would have been insulted if
someone
had called him a park builder.
Boardman was actually anti-park, at least
in the way most of us think when we visit the state picnic areas and
campgrounds
that dot the Oregon Coast. He believed unquestionably that the honor of
park builder belonged to god, or as he referred to his deity, "The
Great
Architect."
Philosophically, Boardman was perhaps more
in line with the modern-day Nature Conservancy. Instead of building
campgrounds,
Boardman believed that Oregon’s park department should be dedicated to
acquiring land for preservation. He saw no need to build campsites
complete
with fire boxes and picnic tables because they would only detract from
the work of the greatest park builder of all.
Toward the end of his tenure, Boardman began
to yield to pressure from the public and federal park agencies. Shortly
after Boardman's 1950 retirement, the Oregon State Parks Department
opened
its first overnight campground at Silver Creek Falls.
Boardman's position was assumed by his
assistant,
Chester H. Armstrong.
When Armstrong assumed the reins of the
parks department, the agency's resources were shifted from acquiring
land
for preservation to developing parks—most notably, campgrounds.
Armstrong
surveyed all of Oregon’s park land for its potential and in 1952 built
27 campgrounds, ranging in size from four to 15 sites. They were widely
popular with the leisure-seeking public. In the first year of
operation,
44,112 campers stayed at the new campgrounds. The list of amenities at
the early state campgrounds was quite short: a table, fire grate and
community
restrooms.
After Boardman retired, he spent his days
at the Park Division office writing the history of each of Oregon’s
parks.
In 1953, after completing the history of just 15 parks, he died.
The parks department honored Boardman by
giving his name to a very scenic coastal park in Curry County. Back in
1940, Boardman had unsuccessfully lobbied the National Parks Service
for
a National Recreation Area designation for this acreage.
Perhaps honoring boardman's philosophy of
park building and "the Great Architect," Samuel H. Boardman State Park
has no campground. It is strictly a day-use facility.
Brookings-Harbor
In the vicinity of Brookings, six miles north of the California-Oregon state line, the coastal plain narrows as the Pacific Ocean indents eastward, and the Coast Range mountains quickly slope to the sea. The result is a countryside of spectacular beauty, with rocky headlands intruding on great sweeps of beach where surf and wind and geological upheaval have created coves, caves, sea stacks, and vertigo-inducing promontories northward to Port Orford.
Situated on the ocean and along the north
bank of Chetco River, Brookings
is the southernmost incorporated city on the Oregon Coast. Harbor is
the
southernmost unincorporated community that stretches southward from the
Chetco's south bank.
Brookings was established about 1908 as
a company town for the Brookings Lumber & Box Company. John E.
Brookings
was president and as chief executive officer lived on the Pacific
Coast,
while his cousin, Robert S. Brookings, provided the major financial
support.
R. S. Brookings lived in the east and devoted much of his time to
semi-diplomatic
missions and support of the arts. It was he who hired Bernard Maybeck,
a San Francisco architect later involved in the Panama-Pacific
Exposition,
to lay out the townsite, certainly the only early plat in Oregon to
receive
the attention of such a qualified professional. Brookings post office
was
established January 4, 1913.
The Port of Brookings-Harbor, one of the
largest and safest commercial and sport fishing ports in Oregon,
provides
a variety of activities, including guide and charter service for river
drift boat salmon and steelhead fishing, ocean salmon and bottom
fishing,
crabbing, clamming, and musseling.
Among the cash crops here and in nearby
Northern California are Easter lilies. In fact, a small group of local
growers produces about 90 percent of the Easter lilies sold in the US
and
Canada, and an early summer drive between Brookings-Harbor and Crescent
City offers a breathtaking view of fields of blooming lilies.
Each Memorial Day weekend, the Azalea
Festival
is held in the 26-acre Azalea State Park. Acres of daffodils bloom in
February
and March, and in July the countryside is covered in blooming, fragrant
Easter lilies.
In December, the park is transformed into
a winter wonderland with Nature's Coastal Highway Light Show and
Sculpture
Display.
Brookings is the only spot in the
continental
US that was bombed by Japan in WWII. The bomb site is marked by a
monument
accessed from the Bonbsite Trail, located about ten miles inland from
Brookings-Harbor
on South Bank Road. The pilot of the plane returned to Brookings 20
years
after the bombing during the annual Azalea Festival, and presented the
town with his personal samurai sword. The sword, now on display at
Brookings
City Hall, had been carried in his plane for good luck.
While Brookings is the only spot in the
continental US that was directly bombed by the Japanese, the tiny
Klamath
County community of Bly was the only place on the American continent
were
someone died as the result of enemy action during the war. On May 5,
1945,
a Japanese balloon carrying incendiary bombs, designed to start forest
fires, malfunctioned and landed without detonating. It was disturbed by
a picnic group and exploded killing a woman and five children. The
authorities
did not wish to inform the Japanese of their success and the news was
suppressed
for several months.
Oregon's Banana Belt
The mildest climate on the coast gives
Brookings-Harbor
the name of Oregon's Banana Belt. The area's geology and a
meteorological
phenomenon known as the "Brookings effect" keep winter temperatures
warmer
here than anywhere else in Oregon. Ocean breezes temper the summer
heat,
making climate moderate, without the seasonal extremes encountered
elsewhere.
Loeb State Park, about eight miles up the
north bank of Chetco River, has 320 acres of myrtle wood—found only in
Oregon and the Middle East—and is home to Oregon's largest stand of
coastal
redwoods.
The Kalmiopsis
Wilderness Area, at 180,000 acres, is Oregon's largest
wilderness.
This rugged area, accessed by traveling up the north bank of the
Chetco,
is part of the Siskiyou National Forest.
Named for the rare rhododendron-like
Kalmiopsis
leachiana, the wilderness is home to many rare and wonderful botanical
specimens. Examples are the insect-eating Darlingtonia flycatcher
plant,
Brewer’s weeping spruce and the economically valued timber species,
Port
Orford cedar.
Harbor post office is where the old office
of Chetco was once situated. The Chetco office was in operation from
March
3, 1863, until November 15, 1910, in various places, and at one time
was
near the mouth of the Chetco at the present site of harbor. Later it
was
moved southward several miles. When Harbor post office was established
on November 24, 1894, the name Chetco could not be used because the
Chetco
office was then serving the locality near Winchuck River, not far north
of the Oregon-California border. Augustus F. Miller served as first
postmaster
of the Chetco office, and it is reported that the new name was taken
from
the title of the Chetco Harbor Land & Townsite Company. Peter
Costello
was first postmaster of the Harbor office, which was designated a rural
station of Brookings on June 30, 1958.
Harbor's Pioneer Citizen
In 1983, lecturer, traveler, and writer Wynne Gibson was invited to visit Viola Hamscam, 91 years old and a resident of Harbor. She wrote:
Viola is a woman of many firsts in her
lifetime
and she recently received another honor... Pioneer Citizen. One of her
outstanding feats is her handmade rag rugs depicting her family's
history.
Seated in the livingroom of the home she and her husband built, a
steaming
cup of coffee in hand, this bright-eyed, enthusiastic woman proceeded
to
tell us of the famed rugs.
"These rugs were made from used clothes
of the Hamscam family. They are 35 inches long and 13 inches wide to
fit
the stairs in this house. The first rugs go back to 1911 when I left
home
to get married. It shows me leaving my parents’ home and traveling by
foot
and wagon to Grants Pass. Rug Two is of our homestead with bunkhouse,
cookhouse
and our two daughters. Rug Three adds our two sons, the store we opened
in Kerby, our house and the schoolhouse. The Masonic Temple, Oddfellows
Lodge, barbershop, and a new son are shown in Rug Four. Rug Five
depicts
the move to Fort Dick, California, in 1924. It put in redwood trees,
the
new store we opened, and our four sons. Rug Six follows our move to
Harbor...
the new store there and the row of cabins behind with the Chetco River
along the top. The last rug, Seven, was done in 1961. It replaces the
old
store with the new one and the cabins are gone. Lifestyles changed
considerably
from the time I started the rugs until they were finished."
"I understand these rugs were placed on
display at the University of Oregon in Eugene, then to the Oregon
Historical
Society in Portland, and on to the Renwick Gallery at the Smithsonian
Institute
in Washington DC?" I queried.
"Yes," Viola said, "I was very proud to
have them selected for such an honor. They were returned from
Washington
DC, and hung in the Oregon State House in Salem, until July 1981, with
the Webfoot, BunchGrassers Oregon Folk Art Gallery. They are now on
display
at the local Harbor Museum."
Viola still finds time to keep current the
family's photo album collection, raise a large vegetable and flower
garden,
babysit great grandchildren, and serve on the board of directors for
the
Curry County Historical Society. She has an "open door" to all who are
interested in her lifetime of living projects and Southern Oregon Coast
history.
Chapter 23: Toledo
Toledo Precinct is bounded on the north by the line between Benton and Tillamook counties, on the south by Tidewater Precinct, on the east by Elk City Precinct and on the west by Yaquina Precinct, it being about 15 miles long and four miles wide. It includes the Yaquina River from the north of Mill Creek to where it enters Yaquina Bay, its general course being west, while it is very crooked, making long sweeps to pass several ridges that run across its general course. The tide flats are much wider than on the Bay, while land suitable for cultivation is more extensive. The hills are low and almost denuded of green timber, and farming and stock-raising is very extensively carried on.
The Siletz Reservation, partly in
Tillamook
and partly in Benton counties, has its southern portion and agency
building
within the confines of Toledo Precinct. This section is a beautiful
open
level situated on the north bank of the Siletz River, and has been in
cultivation
ever since its occupation as an Indian Reservation, some 27 years ago.
Three or four miles south of the agency the country is rough and timber
clad. The northern part of the precinct, including the heads of Depot
and
Olalla sloughs, are thickly timbered, while it is from here that the
chief
supply of the Yaquina trade will be obtained. Many have come to and
gone
away from the Yaquina country by the usually traveled routes but have
not
had the faintest idea that so large and valuable a tract of green
timber
existed within easy access of the bay. A short distance above the mouth
of the Yaquina, Boone Slough puts in from the north, tapping both this
and Yaquina Precinct, and along whose banks is a large amount of level
country, chiefly utilized for grazing purposes. Here also, on an island
of considerable size is the remains of a once splendid grove of trees.
About two miles farther up, but on the same side of the river is Depot
Slough, and half a mile beyond we have Olalla Slough. Along both of
these,
and on Beaver Slough as well, which joins Depot Slough from the west,
are
wide bottoms, all mostly taken up, however, and under cultivation.
Opposite
the mouth of the water-course last named are some gently rolling lands,
the property of William Mackey and Henry P. Butler (1826-1893), on
which
are valuable improvements, the whole being in good state of
cultivation.
Mill Creek comes in from the south, marking the eastern boundary of the
precinct, where also are some fine lands. The whole of the land lying
on
the river is taken and a considerable portion has been brought into
cultivation.
To the south of the Yaquina, the country
becomes rough and mountainous, the hills increasing in altitude until
Table
Mountain is reached, which marks the division between the watershed of
the Yaquina and that of the Alsea River, and forming a prominent
landmark
at sea as has been mentioned in the survey of A. W. Chase.
The population of Toledo Precinct is about
400, the available country being thickly settled. The people are
industrious
and enterprising, the farms being well improved and wearing an
appearance
of neatness and thrift, thanks to a good soil that well remunerates the
farmer for his labor. Stock-raising receives considerable attention but
like all other portions of the coast country, nothing like what its
capabilities
would warrant. A few hogs are raised almost everywhere, but not more
than
can be used for home consumption. As there are no flouring mills in the
district there has been no attempt to cultivate wheat beyond as a
simple
experiment, but there is no doubt but that when the demand arises it
will
be profitably produced. Oats is grown and does well, as do all tubers
and
vegetables, while it is thought that were there a demand for sugar
beets,
they could be matured to an almost unlimited extent. The prosperity for
almost all kinds of fruit, except peaches, are good, many of the
orchards
being full of promise. There are two sawmills in the precinct that have
been chiefly engaged in supplying the Oregon Pacific Railroad Company
with
lumber.
The first settlement within the present
boundaries of Toledo Precinct was made by George R. Meggison, who
located
on Depot Slough (then Siletz Slough) in January 1866. About the same
time
came John Graham (1805-1883), who took up the claim on which the town
of
Toledo stands, while Bill Mackey located on the opposite side of the
bay,
at his present place. Then, William Dundon (1826-1902) settled on Depot
Slough, and that same year H. P. Butler, who still owns his original
claim;
R. Noah Baker (1857-1938), on the "Briggs Place;" N. James Leabo
(1838-1908)
on that adjoining the last named; and Robert Hill, on the place now the
property owned by Charles E. Montgomery (1859-1899).
In 1868, a school was opened in the precinct
in a building now vacant, while the first post office was in the
premises
of Bill Mackey, subsequently in that of H. P. Butler, and afterwards to
its present locality—Toledo.
Toledo Settlement
The town of Toledo is situated on the east bank of Depot Slough, near its mouth, and is accessible to all vessels that can now cross the bar at the mouth of Yaquina Bay. It was laid out by John Graham in the year that the post office was there established. It is located on the line of the Willamette Valley & Coast Railroad, 12 miles east of Yaquina City and comprises one hotel, two stores, one saloon, a feed stable, a blacksmith's shop and post office.
Depot Slough
Depot Slough empties into the Yaquina at
Toledo, and derived its name from the fact of the depot for supplying
the
Siletz Reservation being located on its banks. About 18 years ago a
sawmill
was built here by G. R. Meggison, and subsequently a like enterprise
was
started by the railway company.

Caledonia
Caledonia, so called after the name given
to Scotland by the Gauls, was first located January 1, 1885, and is
situated
at the junction of the Caledonia (Olalla) River with the Yaquina. It
was
laid out in 1885 by Henry Wilkinson Vincent (1827-1922) on the claim of
William Stevens, while so favorable is the side considered that town
lots
have found a ready sale. During the spring a hotel and store was
started
as well as the Charles Logsden Sawmill. Caledonia was beautifully
located
and placed upon the county road.
Vincent was born in Watertown, New York,
April 1, 1832. In 1851, he moved to Ripon, Wisconsin, and married
Judith
D. Stevens (1835-1903), a native of Gouldsborough, Maine. The couple
had
three children: Frank, Fred and Georgia (1871-1948). In July 3, 1874,
the
Vincents arrived in Benton County, and first located in Corvallis.
Another early settler, George S. Briggs,
who owned a large fruit orchard in Caledonia, was originally from
Medina
County, Ohio. He was born October 27, 1834. His parents moved to Racine
County, Wisconsin when he was two years old. The family remained there
until 1850 when the moved to Fayette Company, Iowa. Briggs enlisted in
Company F, 9th Vet. of Iowa, February 28, 1864 and served until June
1865.
He returned to his home in Iowa and migrated to Portland, Oregon in
1870.
In 1876, he moved to Yaquina Bay and purchased his 390 acre farm, on
which
he had an orchard of over 6,000 trees, 4,000 of which were Italian
Prunes.
Joseph Thompson, a printer, also settled at Caledonia. Thompson was
born
in Huntington County, (Blair County) Pennsylvania, in 1832, where he
resided
until 1852. In the spring of that year, Thompson joined the Morrison
Train
at Dubuque, Iowa, and crossed the plains to Oregon. When the party
reached
Tule (Modoc) Lake in Southern Oregon, they were surprised by 150 Modoc,
and after a desperate fight, which resulted in the loss of three lives
and injuries to Thompson, they were finally rescued by a party from
Yreka.
Upon his arrival at Yreka, Thompson began mining.
He then went to Sacramento and San Francisco
where
he worked as a printer, and at one time published a paper at Nevada
City.
While living in Nevada City, Thompson married Mary V. Herbert. The
Thompsons
were the parents of five children: Morris, Daisy, Joseph II, Lillie and
Harriet. In 1869, he migrated to Yaquina Bay, and homesteaded 160 acres
adjoining the new town of Caledonia. However, he spent most of his time
in Portland working on daily papers.
Located near Toledo, Caledonia was probably
named for the Caledonian Canal dividing the Grampian Mountains from the
West Highlands in Scotland. The canal connects the North Sea with the
Atlantic
Ocean. The Caledonia Hills between Portage and Baraboo, Wisconsin, are
part of the circular Baraboo Range around which the Wisconsin River
flows.
Briggsville is about eight miles northwest of Portage, and may be named
for the Briggs family that migrated to Yaquina Bay. Caledonia,
Wisconsin,
an unincorporated village about six miles northwest of Racine on Root
River
and about eight miles south or Milwaukee, is an agricultural region.
Famous
Portage historian Frederick J. Turner (1861-1932) noted "the large
number
of Scots at Caledonia." Apple Holler in Sturtevant, Wisconsin, features
over 50 acres of 16 different varieties of apples. This farm hosts
tours
of its orchard and cider mill.
Caledonia is the Latin word for Scotland,
and there are numerous Scottish settlements throughout north America
that
bear that name. Euro-Americans in the new country followed the land,
and
the formation of the land. They settled on the kind of land where they
thought they would find happiness and prosperity. In the hills, the
hill
people of Norway, Switzerland, Wales, Germany, Scotland and other far
countries
tended to settle, and they called the places New Glarus, Wales, Berlin,
Vienna, New Holstein and Caledonia. Caledonia, Columbia County,
Wisconsin,
was named by Scottish settlers. It was probably named by the McDonald
brothers
who settled there in 1836. Caledonia, Tremplealeau County, Wisconsin,
was
named by Alexander and Donald McGilvray and other Scottish settlers,
Caledonia,
Racine County, Wisconsin, was named for Scottish settlers. This area
also
had Welsh, Irish, Bohemian, and German settlements. Other Caledonia
settlements
in the New World include Caledonia, Ontario, Canada (pop. 3,183);
Caledonia,
Minnesota (population 2,619); Caledonia, New York (population 2,327);
Caledonia,
Ohio (population 792); and Caledonia County, Vermont (pop. 22,789).
West Yaquina
West Yaquina was on the south bank of the
Yaquina River, almost directly across from Yaquina City, a railroad
boom
town of the 1880s.
The settlement was named for the Yaquina,
a small tribe of the Yakonan family, formerly living about Yaquina Bay.
Hale gives the the name as Iakon and Yakone, in Ethnology and
Philology,
1846; Lewis and Clark give Youikeones and Youkone; Wilkes' Western
America,
1849, gives Yacone. Another form of the word is Acona.
Yaquina John Point, on the south side of
the entrance to Alsea Bay just southwest of Waldport, was named for
Yaquina
John, a chief or councillor of the Yaquina, who lived in the vicinity
of
Alsea Bay. Yahal was a Yaquina Village on the north side of the Yaquina.
Though Yaquina City has been called a lost
city, most local people know how to get there—by driving three miles
southeast
of Newport up Yaquina Bay Road to Sawyers Landing. Yaquina City at
least
left a paper trail. A post office operated there from July 14, 1868, to
July 31, 1961. William Wallace Carr served as first postmaster. Carr,
and
his brother, Sumner, were born in Ohio in 1840.
West Yaquina is a lost city too, though
it really was nothing more than a settlement.
Sometime during the railroad boom of the
1880s, a plat map for West Yaquina was filed at the county courthouse
(then
in Corvallis). It shows a perfectly planned rectangular settlement with
40 blocks of lots and eleven streets running east-west that intersect
three
north-south streets: Granville, Collins and Emery.
Early property ownership maps indicate Sam
Case, founder of Newport, was probably West Yaquina's owner and
developer.
Case's West Yaquina vision of grandeur never materialized. His village
shows up in the distant background of a photo taken around 1890 as four
or five buildings that appear to be houses.
What was the reason for West Yaquina's
existence?
What did potential lot buyers see in its future? It may have been the
location
of a salmon cannery. In March 1888 Thomas Culbertson and James Scott
announced
their intention to construct a cannery at West Yaquina. Whether or not
it was ever built is not known.
Toledo Defeats West Yaquina
One reason for West Yaquina's descent
into
obscurity may have been its loss of the county seat to Toledo in the
1896
election.
In May 1895, Pres. Grover Cleveland
(1837-1908)
signed the bill opening the Siletz Reservation. This would have a
decisive
effect on the early history of Toledo.
For Toledo simultaneously was locked in
a battle with the town of West Yaquina for the county seat.
West Yaquina no longer exists; it is
possible
Toledo would have met the same fate if it had lost hold of the seat.
The
first election came up in June 1894, and it was a relatively calm
affair.
The Lincoln County Leader said nothing on the matter until two weeks
beforehand,
when it came out with a dispassionate, but large piece on the reasons
to
vote for Toledo. Geographic proximity to the rest of the county, good
roads,
and the cost of moving the seat were listed prominently. Also given
space
was the argument that the prospective opening of the reservation would
move even more people into the Toledo area. In any case, the editor was
confident that no city would get a majority with Newport and Elk City
also
in the race. He was right; votes split geographically and West Yaquina
garnered only 41 percent of the vote to Toledo's 32 percent.
The final vote between the two cities two
years later was much more lively. West Yaquina apparently got the first
blow in April 1896, as the Leader responded with a big front-page
article,
"Something About Rings." John F. Stewart (1865-1917) writes:
One of the stock arguments kept on hand and constantly in use by those opposed to Toledo for county seat is that there is a "ring" at Toledo which they want to tear down.
Yet they do not say who runs this "ring" or who composes it, he complains:
If by the wholesale charge of "ring" it is meant that the people of Toledo work together and pull together for the common good, then we plead guilty and ask no mercy. There is such a "ring" in Toledo.
Only one Toledo resident had yet held county office, he states, and only two have been nominated for this election. Stewart then turns on West Yaquina:
This “ring” is not backed in their fight for the county seat by any foreign capitalist, town lot boomer, national banker, nor even a busted banker, but is making a clean, honorable fight for it.
This theme is developed much more fully the next week in "Has Lincoln County a County Seat for Sale?" Stewart acknowledges the common talk that outside interests are trying to influence the election with money, and he then writes:
Are the citizens and taxpayers of the
grand
young county of Lincoln ready to let the town let speculators, the
national
bankers, and the coterie of speculating shylocks come into our
community
and debauch an election; to defeat the will of the people with money;
to
upset and defeat the will of the people in order that their town lots
that
they have bought for speculation may be enhanced in value and thus
bring
dollars to their pockets? Can the bankers and speculators twist and
wind
the people of the county to their own use and benefit by their brazen
check
and dollars?
We do not believe they can.
Things quieted down in the month before the election. The harshest the Leader got was to proclaim "Keep it fairly before the people—Boodle boon town lots and high taxes means West Yaquina; home people and low taxes mean Toledo." On June 4th, the Leader calmly announced Toledo's "victory," also stating that the Indians had behaved very well in their first election. In the next week's Leader we are able to discover just how well the Indians had behaved. The election table showed Siletz precinct going 149 to 0 for Toledo (even the vote in Toledo precinct was only 163 to 11!). The final vote was 615 to 504. Clearly, Toledo won the county seat because of the timing of the reservation's closure. Even though Stewart made no comment on this fact, West Yaquina picked upon it and threatened to contest the election in order to get the Indian votes thrown out. The Leader responded with a threat of its own. Toledo, it said, had hired one of the best attorneys in the state and started investigating voters in other precincts. "The use of money can now be established," Stewart wrote, and
We do not hesitate to predict that if a contest is started that the county seat will remain at Toledo; but some persons who voted in Lincoln County on June 1, 1896, will come very near to the doors of the Oregon penitentiary.
West Yaquina quietly dropped the challenge.
Bushrod W. Wilson
Bushrod W. Wilson, a popular resident and
pioneer of Benton County, was actively involved in the Corvallis
& Yaquina Bay Railroad. He was one of the original
incorporators
of the line, which had its terminus at West Yaquina, where he owned
property,
and held the positions of secretary as well as president.
Wilson born in Columbia, Washington County,
Main, July 18, 1824. In 1830, his parents moved to New Brunswick,
Middlesex
County, New Jersey, and resettled again in New York City in 1833. Ten
years
later, the Wilsons moved once more, to Kane County, Illinois.
At 18, Wilson left home. Choosing a
sea-faring
life, he spent three years in the Northwest seas and off the coast of
Alaska,
and for eight years was among those "who go down to the sea in ships."
In the meantime, gold was discovered in
California, and Wilson joined the '49ers. Traveling around Cape Horn,
he
landed in San Francisco, July 3, 1850.
He grew tired of the gold fields, and took
the brig Reindeer to Oregon in October of that year, landing at the
mouth
of the Umpqua. In September, Wilson took up a claim in the Willamette
Valley
seven miles southwest from where the City of Corvallis now stands. The
property was later owned by Henkle and Armstrong.
A carpenter and contractor by trade, Wilson
set up shop in Corvallis proper in 1837. He was the first to put a
ferry
boat on the Snake River, where the town of Lewiston, Idaho has grown up.
Returning to Corvallis, Wilson spent his
first winter in running a keel boat between that point and Oregon City,
on the Willamette. He opened a warehouse and started a pork packing
business
which he ran until June 1864, when he was elected county clerk of
Benton
County.
Civically minded, Wilson identified himself
with the welfare of Corvallis, and strenuously maintained a strong and
willing fight for public education, and 1853, he was county
superintendent
of Common Schools.
West Yaquina a Shipping Hub
A short article dated March 16, 1911,
from
the Newport Signal indicates West Yaquina was a shipping hub for dairy
products and produce grown in the Beaver Creek-Ona area of south
county.
From West Yaquina, good were floated across the river to Yaquina City
and
loaded onto Willamette Valley bound trains.
Why didn't farmers simply bring their goods
to Newport? The short answer is inadequate roads. As a bird flies, the
distance between Newport and Ona was estimated at eight or nine miles,
but the lack of roads made it seem much farther. In 1911, L. M. Commons
of Ona claimed that due to a lack of roads, she had not visited Newport
for two years.
A 1906 map in the archives of the Oregon
Coast History Center shows there were two "wagon roads" that went to
West
Yaquina. One originated on the beach where Moore Creek empties into the
ocean, in the vicinity of the south end of the present-day Newport
Airport.
The second came from the south, perhaps originating at Ona. As it
reached
West Yaquina, it paralleled McCaffrey Slough.
Watering Holes and Brothels
A few unconfirmed stories have circulated
that West Yaquina was more than a transportation hub. Some have claimed
it was a watering hole where residents of Yaquina went to drink and
patronize
its brothels.
West Yaquina probably declined as
transportation
routes improved. Apparently there were a few houses (lacking running
water
and electricity) there as recently as the 1950s. At that time, they
were
accessible only by boat.
There are just a few old-timers around who
know anything about the long-gone settlement called West Yaquina.
Perhaps
even fewer people know where it was and how to get there today.
Adventurous
hikers and mountain bikers who have stumbled upon the site of West
Yaquina
reported only a few remnants of Sam Case's settlement remain
today—trees
planted in a row, the outline of a house or two. West Yaquina's story
has
yet to be written, but these few sources shed some light on its history.
South Yaquina
South Yaquina, now a ghost town, was directly across the bay from Yaquina City, but this area apparently was never developed to the extent of its sister city to the north. Fagan is quoted as saying: South Yaquina is "a town that as yet has only its name to boast of," and did not have a post office. Yaquina Bay, Yaquina Station and Yaquina River which heads near the Benton-Lincoln county line, and flows into the bay, bear the name of the Yaquina. In the early days there was also a Yaquina City, was situated on the eastern side of Yaquina Bay, about four miles from its mouth and was the terminus of the Willamette Valley & Coast Railway, where the company had a large dock and two warehouses, and a great amount of material, giving employment to many workmen. There also was the Custom House presided over by Collins Van Cleve. The town consisted of Jacobs & Neugass' General Merchandise Store, a drugstore, meat market and hotel, the interests of the place being ably kept before the public by the Yaquina Post. The land on which the town was situated was owned by the railroad company who saw in it the future great city of the Northwest. Directly across the bay was South Yaquina, a town that had only its name to boast of.
Toledo 1866-1900
The early years of Toledo will never be
the
subject of extended historical analysis. The development of this town
and
the area around it in the last third of the 19th Century does, however,
present some interesting episodes and issues which are deserving of
attention.
That is the simple premise of this paper.
Toledo now does not partake much of its
early historical roots. The government transformed this town on the
eastern
shore of Yaquina Bay in 1917 by building the world's largest spruce
factory
in order to help the war effort. From then on the mill has loomed
largest
in the city's development (and landscape).
The rugged individualist, C. D. Johnson,
bought the mill after the war. His tenure saw the most significant
single
event in Toledo's history, the running out of town in 1925, or 35
Japanese
laborers who had been brought in to work at the mill. The town
continued
to boom, and Georgia-Pacific Corporation bought the mill in 1952.
Population
in Lincoln County, however, was shifting, and Toledo lost the county
seat
later that decade. Increasingly dependent on one industry, Toledo has
suffered
much during the recent recession. The final blow came just this year,
as
Georgia-Pacific Corporation announced that it would be closing its main
wood products operation.
If we go back to the closing decade of the
last century, however, the image of Toledo is one of unbounded
optimism,
even in hard times. It is this story, accompanied by the struggle to
make
the elusive image come true, that follows.
First, though, a note on sources. Published
accounts have very little information on Toledo, and documents are
scant
for the period, although I have not been able to examine the papers in
the keynotes archives. The new museum in Toledo has a few records such
as city council minutes, and the historical society in Newport has a
few
helpful pieces of information, but for my period I have had to rely
mainly
on newspapers. This has also been frustrating, as most of the old bay
newspapers
founded in the 1880s and 1890s apparently no longer exist. Reference is
made to some of them in historical pieces written as late as the 1930s,
though, so perhaps they have found an elusive hiding place.
Two stalwart newspapers, however, still
exist. The Corvallis Gazette provides invaluable information on the
early
bay up until about 1880. Either strongly Republican or temperance in
orientation,
it was very bullish on the subject of the bay and has as its local
correspondent
the prolific "Rialto." This was the pen name for Royal
A. Bensell (1838-1921), author of the Civil War journals known
as All Quiet on the Yamhill, and the most prominent citizen on the bay
in the 19th Century. One of the first three squatters in the area, he
made
his claim very near to what is now Toledo and remained there for a few
years before moving to Newport. The Gazette has many gaps, though, both
in terms of papers that did not survive and in terms of the varied in
the
absences of Bensell. Newspaper coverage is extremely sparse for the
1880s,
but in 1893 the Lincoln County Leader came out with its first issue.
Celebrating
the new county, the paper's for "all the news that is of interest to
taxpayers,"
mainly in Toledo. The problem with the weekly Leader is that it often
did
not deem it necessary to discuss issues which everyone of importance in
town had obviously already had a chance to sit around and chew the fat
on. This means that we lack some very essential information needed to
interpret
certain episodes in Toledo, especially those involving conflict either
within the town or between Toledo and other areas.
The history of any locality, of course,
should include not just what actually did happen, but also what could
have
happened, but did not. In Toledo's case, its early history was tied up
in the development of the Yaquina Bay district. An examination of the
possibilities,
both actual and imagined, that this presented is where we must start.
This
requires looking at the bay as a whole, but always with Toledo in mind.
As "Avalo" wrote in the Gazette as early as 1866, "that some point on
the
bay will, in time, rival Portland, is certain, and prudent men will
make
a selection soon."
The Yaquina
Bay region was closed to settlement from the creation of the
Siletz
Reservation in 1856 until the beginning of 1866. Soldiers and others
who
had been keeping order at the reservation during the Civil War had,
however,
already begun to settle in the region. Upon hearing the news that a 21
mile wide strip of reservation was now open (before even the resident
Indian
agent had been told), R. A. Bensell, J. S. Copeland (1834-1912) and G.
R. Meggison made claims for land near the present site of Toledo at
Depot
Slough. New settlers came as far as Elk
City on the military wagon road from Corvallis and took
steamers
to other areas of the bay.

These squatters recognized the potentials of the Bay immediately and soon began clamoring for improvements. With a fine harbor close to inland agriculture, boosterism began quickly. The very first example of this was a letter written to the Gazette by David Newsome concerning the first Fourth of July at Yaquina. Already 300 whites were reported on the bay, and Newsome predicted great success for their area.
As water, by an unchangeable law, seeks its level, just so, also, will commerce seek and flow through the most direct and available channel.
From the beginning observers viewed Newport as the preeminent site of the bay, but probably the second greatest attraction were the Premier Steam Mills at Depot Slough. With parts built in San Francisco, Bensell, Copeland, and Meggison constructed a sawmill that "Rialto" (Bensell) extolled in 1869 as "universally acknowledged to be the most complete mill in Oregon." As early as June 1866, "Avalo" was pointing to the mill as a shining example of the success available to settlers on the bay:
I visited the Premier Sawmill on the Depot Slough and found one of the best steam sawmills in the state, sawing 7,000 and 8,000 feet per day; a lumber yard containing good saleable lumber; boats coming and going, loaded with lumber all the time. This is a lively place; some 15 hands employed.
Reports of daily lumber production
fluctuated
from 6,000 to 10,000 feet over the next few years, with lumber selling
for $15 per 1,000 board feet in 1867. In 1868, the schooner T. Starr
King
arrived at the mouth of the slough to pick up 140,000 feet of lumber. A
20 ton schooner was even being constructed at the mill in 1867. In
1869,
the mill was employing five men and working 11 hours a day, although
not
without danger, for Meggison nearly lost his hand the next year. The
mill
spawned other activities, as a “magnificent ball” was held in "a
spacious
building near the sawmill" as early as August 1866. Premier Steam
Mills’s
success culminated in the siting of Millville in 1867, although not
much
ever came of the town.
Perhaps the greatest wave of excitement
to hit the bay in its early years was the discovery of coal. In
considering
this, it must be kept in mind that Lincoln County now produces about as
much coal as Eugene.
Yet on February 16, 1867, the Gazette
published
a letter from "Avalo" reporting a coal find half a mile below
Oysterville.
He commented:
From the evidence it is reasonable to suppose coal beds are scattered over a huge tract of the bay district, and that is a very short time, coal mining will become profitable business.
In fact, much of the coal turned out to be right around Premier Steam Mills. In 1919, Teresa Roper published an account of the discovery It very well may be fictional, but on the other hand, it may be based on authentic oral sources:
"Hellow!"
"'Low!"
"Gitten any?"
"Enough for dinner, maybe. Where yer been?"
"Up to the sawmill—but 'taint runnin'."
"Shut down?"
"Shut up."
"Smartie!"
"Never mind yer talkin' over thar and mind
yer hook; that, yer might have had that feller."
"I'll get him yet." And the speaker, John
Mackey, grabbed a small home-made hand let, and made a dive toward a
large
trout that was nibbling at the bait on his hook.
"Look out, there," yelled Joe Graham, who
was silently fishing a few feet away. But his warning came too late,
for
John, over-reaching himself, lunged head first into the clear cold
waters
of Depot Slough.
Will Clark—the newcomer—made a dive for
the seat of John's pants, but missing, sat down with a heavy thud on
the
wet mud bank, just in time to get the benefit of the flying spray
kicked
up by John's plunge.
"There! See how you have riled the water
and skeered all the fish away," said Joe with none too soft voice. "No
more fishing in this spot now," and he drew in his line as John, with
many
a splutter and sneeze, waded out of the water and climbed the bank.
Roars of laughter came from Will as he
viewed
his dripping companion, but he stopped suddenly and said:
"Why, you got your fish!"
"Didn't neither."
"Wall, what's that in the net, then?"
"Mud!"
"And something else, too—it's—wall, what
is it?" as he emptied the contents of the net on the ground and picked
therefrom a round black object and held it up for inspection.
"Only a rock, you simp," said John.
"Wash it off and see, Joe," and a moment
after three heads were bending earnestly over the outstretched hand in
which the black lump lay.
"Boys, say boys; don't you know what that
is? That's coal—yes, sir, coal."
"Oh, get along."
"It is, too. Say, let's hunt up Bensell;
he'll know."
"But where in thunder would coal come from,
here?"
"Maybe there is more where that came from,"
and Joe bent over the water, which by this time had grown quite clear
again.
"There is another piece; where is the net,"
excitedly.
All were interested now. Even John forgot
his discomfort of his wet clothes, in fact he courted dampness by
stepping
down in the water and securing several lumps. On shore they again
examined
the—now quite a pile of—the black rocks, after which they gathered them
into the fishnet, and Clark lifted it to his shoulders all started in
the
direction of the mill in quest of Bensell.
Coal fever exploded and contracted at the
bay pretty much within the year of 1867. Gold was also discovered in
April
of that year, prompting the editor of the Gazette to attempt to
contradict
the wild and exaggerated rumors about both minerals. The gold, he said,
was hard to get at and the coal not nearly as plentiful as claimed. Yet
in the same piece we learn that Bensell had brought over to Corvallis a
specimen of coal taken from three miles above Premier Steam Mills. It
was
tested and pronounced of competent quality. Two weeks later, "Rialto"
wrote
that more coal had been discovered, "steps have been already taken to
form
a company" to capitalize on it, and "the speedy development of this new
country can be counted on for certain." He also stated that
"considerable
good farming land" lay unclaimed in the vicinity of the beds, so his
reports
must be considered in light of attempts to bring in settlers. Yet in
May,
Yaquina coal was pronounced a "good article" in San Francisco, and an
actual
vein was discovered within two miles of Premier Steam Mills. This led
to
a meeting at Oysterville held "to settle the future means of working
these
mines."
This all so excited the editor that he threw
away "the shackles of caution" and proclaimed,
the inexhaustible coal mines, to say nothing of the mines of precious metals, will alone, at no distant day, prove a source of incalculable advantage to our people.
Findings of the black rock became so common that it became routine. "Ohio" reported in June that
there is not much excitement about the coal beds at this time. New veins are being discovered every few days.
The Yaquina Coal Company was formed in August,
but then problems apparently began to develop. Of course, we do not
learn
in the Gazette as much about failure as we do of success. By the end of
the year, Rialto wrote that "Try, try again" was the motto of those
developing
coal. Never again was coal to be as big at Yaquina. In 1873, Bensell
still
reported optimism about the mineral, but communications on the subject
became nearly non-existent. Yet interest must have continued, for as we
shall see, coal production was a part of Toledo's economy in the 1890s.
The story of coal on the bay is just a small
part of the grand scheme to develop the region. As Rialto recognized,
it
was not enough simply to possess the natural resources.
The coal is in fact, and we feel the great necessity of capital. Men of means here, have it already invested, and feel too poor, to undertake the management of coal shipping on borrowed capital. Why is it that the country remains purely passive, while millions lie in their reach? Come and see it, before pronouncing it a humbug.
The struggle to turn the bay area into a
thriving commercial center, both through outside intervention and
internal
self-help, was a recurrent theme in the first decades of Yaquina
settlement.
It was especially intense the first few years, as new inhabitants came
with their hopes and dreams—and nowhere further west to move.
"High Tide" expressed the optimism
surrounding
Yaquina Bay: "ere many years it will be the metropolis of Oregon." Such
a feeling impelled "the best and most substantial men on the bay" to
organize
a series of internal improvements. Public works projects such as road
construction
flourished, one road having 50 men supervised by G. R. Meggison working
on it; a stage line between Corvallis and Yaquina Bay began to run
three
times a week; an independent schooner line was formed; most
importantly,
articles of incorporation were filed for a railroad company. Yet the
brave
pioneers of the region soon discovered that outside forces controlled
much
of their destiny. First, a public mail route took an exasperating
length
of time to come through. Then land surveys, and surveys for the harbor
and a prospective lighthouse, took far too long to complete. The
settlers
could not understand this, for as they saw it, all people needed to do
was "place their finger on the map" to see that Yaquina's growth was
assured.
Going through the bay would cut transportation costs for all produce
from
the Willamette Valley, Eastern Oregon, and even Montana and Idaho,
because
it saved 200 miles compared to Portland in getting shipments to the
primary
market at San Francisco. In fact, Yaquina Bay would soon be the biggest
port between San Francisco and Puget Sound.
What these honest boosters had not counted
on, however, was opposition from those who had an interest in
maintaining
the status quo. Even though the Gazette editor continually proclaimed
that
economic growth at Yaquina would not hurt Portland, the Oregonian began
to belittle this "little scribbler" as early as July 1886.491 No one
but
Portland was considered for a railroad route to the sea in the
legislative
session of 1867, and anti-Portland polemics became more heated as
frustration
increased. The Gazette editor wrote in 1869:
Every movement towards opening up and improving Yaquina Bay, from the first sailing of the little steamer Pioneer for those waters, to the present day, has been fought by Portland capital, backed by the Portland press.
"Rialto" gave the fullest expression to this
feeling
in an impassioned piece written in 1867. According to him, not just
Yaquina
but the entire Willamette Valley was being strangled by the Portland
merchant
and shipping monopoly. Therefore, these "honest men"—the "hard working
farmers" of the Willamette Valley—should form an opposition against the
Portland interests, who used state politics corruptly and selfishly.
After
all, in Portland "the merchants are at least one third Jews."
Yet as it turned out, a conspiracy theory
would not work well enough. David Newsome laid the blame for lack of
development
on the influence of both "heavy capitalists and popular prejudice."
"Rialto"
was more specific: "Old fogeyism is written on every worm fence in the
country." "The farmers of Benton County," he explained "need to be
swindled
out of their eye teeth for ten years yet." Still, some optimism had to
lie behind the continuous exhortation—"How long will the people
slumber?"
Ice blockades closed off the Columbia River for up to two months every
year, and the Gazette jumped all over Portland for that. The best thing
to happen to the area, according to its boosters, was the publishing of
the survey of Yaquina harbor. The depth of the harbor's bar had been a
topic for continuous debate throughout the state (It remains so today,
I might add). Yet the federal survey gave it a glowing recommendation,
and all papers in the state published it except the Oregonian. The
Gazette
editor proclaimed:
The report which we publish today, although not making an inch more or less water on the bar at Yaquina, will cause an entire revolution of the wheel of progress in our state and country.
Confidence in getting a railroad increased—if not through discussion then through a power play:
If the public would make one energetic move in the right direction, a railroad could be built to the Yaquina Bay while the east and west "sides" were blackguarding each other.
"We shall then," wrote one settler,
"practically
be brought in close proximity with the wealth, refinement, and
civilization
of the eastern states." As the editor of the Gazette often put it, "the
world moves, and Benton County is, by no means, standing still."
He also continuously chanted the phrase
"There is no time to lose." What ended up happening, however, was a
wait
of years and years for a railroad of salvation. "Without a railroad to
Yaquina," he complained in 1870, "we are hopeless, forever more."
Resentment
continued. "Rialto" continued with his apparently anti-market
anti-Semitism:
So far, the business people of Corvallis show a decided aversion to cast off the Isaacs, Solomons, and Nathans of Portland; there is something pleasant in that familiar song, so common on Front Street, "I does sell my goods just as cheap as any oder men."
During the 1870s, the Gazette continued in the vein noticed by one "Citizen" as early as 1867—"Railroad 'on the brain' is the prevalent epidemic in this community." The editor worked single-mindedly for a railroad, and harbor improvements, until his death in 1880. Yet one increasingly notices a tone of helplessness and despair, most marked in this vivid picture:
Three vessels, the Hunter, Lizzie and Caroline Medeau, are now piled upon South Beach, almost within a stone's throw of each other. A withering blight seems to settle over all our future commercial prospects, in that direction, and an ominous damper is thrown upon our railroad project, by this fearfully frequent wrecking of vessels at the extreme of our harbor, which is seized upon by the enemies of the place, and heralded aboard to the detriment of Yaquina Bay.
It is possible that social divisions
among
the bay settlers contributed to problems associated with developing the
region. The first settlers were proud of their service in the Civil
War,
even if they had not done all that much. "This Yaquina Country" stated
a proud "Union man," "is settling up with the best kind of Union men.
They
will stand by the government to the last man and dollar." The election
results for 1866 demonstrated this, as Yaquina was the "banner
precinct"
for the Union party, enabling the party to carry Benton County as a
whole
by providing straight-ticket majorities of 60 to 75 percent. By 1870
"Wolverine"
was still able to say that "Yaquina Bay has been and still is an
eye-sore
to
the democracy," but “Blue Breeches” had to admit that “The Yaquina is
getting
to be a great resort for...mangy Democrats." That the new squatters may
have been poorer is seen in the response "Rialto" made to the claim
that
the Newport Transportation Company only employed Republicans. It was
true,
he stated, that Republicans owned nine tenths of the stock but
three-fourths
of the employees were Democrats. Republicans claimed to have
accomplished
all the improvements on the bay, and stated that "let them (the
Democrats)
carry the state, then farewell to all future aid."
Partisan divisions may have been associated
with divisions over the temperance issue, although this is a bit
speculative.
In 1867, reports of opposition to prohibition were coming in from
Yaquina,
and nine years later "X" reported on "the bacchanalian revelry that is
constantly going on at this place... Yaquina Bay is cursed with its
share
of idle, vicious, lawless hoodlums. We earnestly hope a reformation
will
take place soon." Democratic majorities began appearing off and on
after
1873, and there were certainly strong partisan feelings on many issues,
as we shall soon see. One gets the feeling, though, that developing the
bay often cut across social divisions. "Rialto", writing in 1867 about
the mail route, threatened,
"we will all turn Democrat here, shortly, if we are denied the use of newspapers. Politicians on our side should think of this."
Five years later, he wrote on the same theme of self-interest:
Politics is easy; some few find time to denounce monopolists and land grants. These are, however, generally in favor of any monopolist, and any amount of land granting, to construct the Yaquina Railroad; after success in this matter, we will be sternly consistent.
Red-White Relations on Yaquina Bay
What apparently united settlers on the
bay
the most, however, was not an issue of economic development or
political
affiliation. It was fear of the "red savages" at the nearby Siletz
Reservation.
The theme of "red-white" relations on the bay is easily the most
exciting
topic of the area's early history. Unfortunately, its significance has
never been very fully explored.
The earliest days of settlement saw conflict
between non-indians and Indians. According to recent study, the first
wave
of immigration did not respect the property of the newly-transplanted
Indians:
The Indians who had been settled near the bay were bitter and rebellious, as settlers seized their garden plots, houses, and fences, even ripping apart and old Indian's house for the lumber and nails.
Still, the Indians caught the spirit of things at the first Fourth of July celebration, with 300 of them (to 400 whites) going all the way to Newport to share in the festivities. They were even allowed to feast on the huge supply of food—after the non-indians were finished. Indian attendance at Independence Day celebrations afterwards became routine, with their dancing always listed as one of the great entertainments. At the same time, though, with land becoming increasingly scarce, efforts to remove the Indians began. "Rialto" launched the first tirade to close down the reservation in 1867. Stating that the non-indians should fulfill our promises—just somewhere else—he wrote:
The Siletz Agency is desirably located, close to a good market, abounding in the best of cedar, and amply large enough to support a large and prosperous community of whites. While the Indians are doing very well, the whites could do much better, not only to himself, but for Benton County and the state at large.
With this would come better morale, more
available
taxes, and most significantly—"then people could go to bed without fear
of being "scalped" before sunrise."
This last comment took on added meaning
with the first big Indian scare on the bay. In September 1868 a white
man
named George W. Ballard (1820-1887) murdered Indian Frank near
Corvallis.
The Indians demanded blood, but apparently the Indian agent calmed them
down by telling them of the "fair law" of the white man. Or did he?
"Wolverine"
wrote in soon after that the night of September 11, 1868, was appointed
as the night on which the Indians would burn all the agency buildings,
as well as kill the employees. Naturally, this news did not sit well
with
the non-indian inhabitants.
The people at the Premier Steam Mills were awakened from their peaceful slumber, in the dead of night, and an express started to alarm all the squatters along the bay. John Mackey's house presenting the most favorable locality for defense, all the women and children along the Depot Slough, and in the immediate neighborhood were taken to that place for protection. While the men stood guard around the house to protect them from their merciless foe.
No "Red Dawn" here, though. Although the settlers were "prepared to meet the "painted savages" in all the horrors of Indian warfare,"
Day at length dawned upon the scene, as the orb of dawn advanced and showed with resplendent beauty upon—what? The "thirsty warriors" from the Siletz? No! But upon the placid waters of the Yaquina winding peacefully to the ever-heaving bosom of the ocean.
Apparently agent Simpson had also nipped this
plot
in the bud, too—with the help of 15 citizens from the bay who had come
to the agency to provide help.
Relations remained quiet for several years
afterwards. The bay inhabitants at times even explicitly recognized the
benefit of having their "semi-civilized" neighbors close by. Upon
reporting
the rumor of the removal of 1,000 to 2,000 members of the Snake nation
to Siletz seven months after the big scare, the Gazette editor noted
that
they and the solders accompanying them "will furnish a good market for
the farm and garden products of Yaquina and the surrounding country."
Also,
the Indians provided "free labor" for the very important task of
building
roads, as long as they were fed—and they would refuse to work if not
fed.
Still, a petition began circulating around the bay early in 1870 asking
for the removal of the Indians. The Gazette, although later claiming
always
to have supported expansion, opposed it. A correspondent wrote in that
the petition was going nowhere, "the whole thing sounds like the ill
spent
work of some chronic office-seekers." Yet the Willamette Valley Mercury
reported that
None have refused to sign it in this part of the county, but those who are "special pets" of Ben Simpson's and are readily classed as squaw men. What really happened? We will never know, as the issue became caught up in party rivalry. The Democrats in the Mercury accused Simpson, the Indian agent and a renegade Democrat, of desiring to keep the lucrative agency for selfish purposes: the fact that there are poor people who want farms is nothing to this clan of plunderers. The Gazette responded in kind.
Petitions were still circulating in 1873,
the year of the last, but most spectacular, would-be uprising. "Rialto"
complained that whereas "heretofore the knowledge of such petitions has
been kept from them," the Indians are "now made to feel that they are
the
"equal" of the white man; nothing is concealed from them. They are
told,
in so many words, that the whites are trying to 'remove' them." He
stated
that there was no reason to let the Indians know of news concerning the
doings of the non-indians—"particularly that kind intended to make them
uneasy."
Unfortunately, the Indians were upset about
more than plans to "remove" them. In July, 1872, Tututni Jack was
drinking
a bit too much and drew a pistol. T. H. Boyle shot and murdered Jack.
It
was ruled self-defense later, but again the Indians were up in arms and
tried to take "revenge" on Boyle. This was just a specific episode in
the
general problem of liquor in Indian-white relations. Just the fact that
Jack and Boyle were drinking together—albeit armed—is significant. That
same month, though, federal officials stepped up pressure on those
selling
alcohol to the Indians. The US deputy marshal made a raid and arrested
four non-indians, much to "Rialto's" dismay as the men were quite
upstanding
citizens. In a rather funny episode, the next day the marshal "made a
very
big fool of himself," got drunk, put the prisoners in irons, used
profanity,
and drove the women out of the women's cab in the steamer taking the
prisoners
to Portland.
Indian discontent went underground for a
few months. It then erupted with a ferocity not yet seen by the small
community
of isolated white settlers. The first hint that something was up came
in
a January 4th letter to the Gazette from "Alka," referred to as someone
who was "thoroughly acquainted with the Indian character." According to
him, a prophet came to Siletz several months before, proclaiming that
if the Indians would dance long and strong, the dead Siwash of many years past would return to life and... a war would be made on the whites, and a short, successful warfare would terminate in a repossession of their old homes and hunting grounds.
Laboring for a time without converts, the
prophet
gradually gained acceptance until "now, scarcely an Indian on the
Siletz
or Alsea agencies can be found who does not express perfect confidence
in the prophet's prophecies." This, despite all the efforts of the
agent
to disprove the prophet and stop the dancing. "Alka" warned that the
settlers'
safety had always depended on divisions within the Indian population,
but
that now they were united and a real danger. In a very interesting
comment,
he stated that "the Indians know the county thoroughly—and the inside
of
nearly everyone's house in the county." Unfortunately, he noted, "there
is a long list of promises, miserably disregarded" which caused Indian
distrust. The editor of the Gazette commented on "Alka's" piece by
pointing
out the Modoc Massacre at Tule Lake and linking the problems at Siletz
to the "unusual discontent on the part of all, or nearly all, the
Indian
tribes of the West and Northwest." He speculated that it might be that
"a grand, universal uprising is premeditated." In any case, "the people
on the bay feel alarm, and not without some cause."
The next week the editor reported the
gathering
of Indians on the reservation, many of whom had been long absent. All
the
Indians were being "forced" to take part in nightly war dances with
paint
and feathers, even Indian women married to whites. He supposed that the
Indians themselves probably did not even understand their own actions,
"as they are governed by messengers and "spies" (prophets) from other
tribes."
Yet their "war-like intentions" were beyond doubt, according to those
best
acquainted with the Indians. He claimed that the ulterior motive of
creating
a reason for "removing" the Indians was behind the scare.
"The most intense excitement prevailed among
the citizens of the bay" the next week, as Edward N. Sawtell's house
was
burned to the ground and his life threatened. This crime was attributed
to California Jack and was viewed as the first strike in the blitzkrieg
to come. "All the families from Depot to Pioneer were at Elk City," and
evidently both Democrats and Republicans joined in the fear. "Brutus,"
the correspondent for the Benton Democrat, exclaimed in a fit of
"masculine
protectiveness":
Something must be done by the Indian Department, or the state authorities, or you will see Yaquina Bay a waste, and the labor and hardships endured for seven long years come to naught. Is there no remedy for this? Are we not taxpayers, as well as others in Benton County? Have we no rights to be "protected?"...We men can endure all this, but our women and children are the sufferers.
"Rialto" suggested the planting of spies among
the "friendly" Indians.
The citizens of the bay (or 15 or them,
at least) then met at Toledo and organized themselves in a militia
company
"for mutual protection against the Indians, in case of an outbreak."
Bill
Mackey of Toledo was appointed commander. Seven forts were set up,
including
Fort Butler at the mouth of Depot Slough. Correspondents described the
horror:
there was a general stampede... many families took to little boats and kept to the middle of the river all night, and it was a very disagreeable night... The men harnessed their teams to their wagons, loaded in their wives and little ones, and started for places of protection in a hurry... Just think, Mr. Editor, of old men (some cripples) old women and young women and children being hurried out of bed in the cold, and through the darkness, rain and mud, be compelled, to flee to places of protection, leaving their homes to the tender mercies of these civilized (?) and Christianized (?) pets of the government... I have seen women cry and trembling with fear until quite sick; children cry and trembling, and looking up to their excited mothers for protection—scared nearly to death.
The revitalization movement was
continuing,
with several dead Indians including Tututni Jack, reportedly coming to
life. "It is hoped," "Rialto" wrote, that the "government will send
some
troops."
Yet by the time these letters were
published,
they were old news. The lead story on page two of the January 25th
Gazette
read (in bold, changing print):
The Siletz Indian Scare!
•••
Tranquility Restored!
•••
Tribe Surrenders Its Arms!
•••
Superintendent's Visit!
•••
Whites Return To Their Homes!
As it turned out, the superintendent of
Indian
affairs visited the agency and on his call all the Indians assembled.
"Considerably
excited by the "hostile" demonstrations, as they considered them, of
the
people who were forting on the bay," they unanimously agreed to give up
all their guns, and also offered their knives. They stated that it was
foolish to think they might attack the white settlers, for they "could
not afford to." "And thus ended the much dreaded Siletz war."
Interested observers still found it
necessary,
however, to perform a post-mortem on the incident. The editor began the
task, under the pressure of the state exchanges which were "very
flippantly"
calling the scare all "fuss and feathers." He again reminded them of
the
suffering of the women and little children, but admitted:
That no real cause existed for this excitement, so far as the Indians are concerned, is now pretty clearly demonstrated. They were as badly scared as any of the whites.
As a journalist, however, he stated that he was
not in the position to affix blame for the cause of the troubles.
The opposing sides took up the pen for the
Gazette two weeks later in order to clean that matter up. Gen. Joel
Palmer,
the lame-duck agent, declared forcefully that the Indians never
committed
one improper action against the non-indian settlers. On the contrary,
"civilization"
was proceeding apace at Siletz, and the Indians were "more than happy"
to give up their arms. The dancing, which got everyone so excited, was
only for departed spirits and not for war. A conspiracy had fanned the
fire:
The idea that they contemplate using these restored relatives to aid in expelling the whites from their "hunting grounds and peaceful homes," has been added by some "silly old squaw," or more likely the plotters, in their scheme to induce the government to "remove" these Indians, and to aid in securing the establishment of a military post at Newport; and also encouraged by a class who hope to secure a rich harvest in the advancement of real estate along the line of the projected railroad, from the bay to Corvallis, by purchasing from the alarmed and frightened inhabitants, their little homes, that have been opened by toil and privations, for a mere pittance; for no one would regard the value of their home if their family were in danger. Now, sir, you have the substance of my convictions as to the reasonableness of this native outbreak.
A "Toledoite" strongly disagreed, but his
comments hint that Palmer's analysis might have been at least somewhat
correct. This correspondent claimed that the main problem with the
aboriginal
population was that they did not stay on the reservation, but instead
came
into the area around the bay to be a general "nuisance." Then,
"Toledoite"
turned to make a strong case for opening up the reservation while
denying
that the petitioners ever asked for this. He threw in some familiar
barbs
at Portland, saying that it was in the monopolies' interest to always
have
Indians at Siletz, as they slowed down the development of the bay. What
he failed to do, in other words, was refute Palmer or specifically
address
the problem of the scare itself.
We may never know exactly what happened
that January. "Rialto" maintained his story through and through—"I am
proud
to know no amount of obloquy or ridicule he (Palmer) may deem proper to
cast upon the Yaquina Bay people, individually or collectively, will
change
their opinion of this trouble or its causes." Unfortunately, two master
theses written recently did not deem it necessary to investigate the
matter.
Jean Marie Harger simply sites the short excerpt in Fagan's History of
Benton County, plagiarized from the Gazette and the Democrat. William
E.
Kent only notes that "a ridiculous rumor of an Indian uprising" plagued
Palmer's administration, even though he quotes an Irish immigrant who
lived
in the area sometime before 1889 as saying "We went to bed every night
expecting to wake up the next morning and find ourselves dead." Clearly
this is a "ridiculous rumor" worthy of more study.
The Great Fiasco
As stated earlier, sources become much less helpful for the period of the 1880s. Even after 1873, the themes surrounding the bay become routinized. News becomes a chronicle of the everyday: "X" visits "Y," schooners visit here and there, new businesses crop up. Above all—the railroad, the railroad the Railroad! The story of the railroad has been told in several places, but these sources mainly detail the development of the line itself, rather than the impact it had on Yaquina society. The main thing to remember is that the railroad went through Toledo and ended not in Newport but in now-defunct Yaquina City. Otherwise the primary interesting aspect of the railroad was the tremendous problems it had. Completed December 31, 1884, one commentator in 1889 wrote that
the history of no railway in the country presents a more remarkable record of discouraging circumstances or obstacles more perseveringly overcome, than that of this.
A later student simply called it "a great fiasco."
The Birth of Lincoln County 1893
So, it is time to turn our attention to
Toledo
proper. Toledo's history is none-too-well documented for this early
period,
but a few facts are known. John Graham made a claim on the present site
of Toledo because his son Joe, the real settler, was only 20. When mail
service for Yaquina Bay went public in 1868, the Graham's home was
chosen
as a post office. This occasioned the first mention of Toledo in the
Gazette.
Bill Mackey, who later was the militia commander during the uprising,
became
postmaster (Toledo was also known as Graham's Landing and Mackey's
Point).
The name is reported to have come from Joe Graham, who missed his
native
Ohio. For a long time Toledo hardly stirred interest in anyone;
travelers
to Yaquina Bay reporting on their trip in the Gazette invariably failed
to mention it. Finally, a correspondent wrote to the Gazette in 1873 to
report on "this beautiful place, called Toledo." "Hyper" wrote that
"times
are tolerably lively here at present. Fish and berries are abundant,
also
plenty of bear and small animals." The town had a school with 30
students,
as well as a "real nice Sunday school." Obviously not a lot was going
on.
Toledo became a single voting precinct in 1876 and had a pretty evenly
split vote for the elections reported. Even Bensell only tied his
opponent
24 to 24 when he ran for state representative in 1876. In 1882, Graham
laid out the first official town site along the Waterfront.
Even if a lot was not occurring on the
surface,
though, Toledo was growing steadily. For the historian, the town bursts
onto the scene in 1893 with its own newspaper and as the seat of a new
county. The division of Benton County apparently proceeded quite
rapidly,
as the Gazette does not mention any plans at all for a split any time
in
1892. Fear of a Chilean invasion of the Toledo Coal Company mine was
much
bigger news.
Chinese American historian Jack Chen
discusses
the "Chilean War" which took place during the California Gold Rush:
The Indians were driven out early. Herded
onto reservations or killed off by infections against which they had
developed
no immunity, they were shot and actually hunted for their scalps by
some
besotted scoundrels. Then came the turn of the blacks and the
foreigners.
Chileans, banned from using their peons as laborers, were forced to
either
do the work themselves or leave their diggings. Then the "Chilean War"
drove out the Chileans and Peruvians in 1849. The "French War” erupted
on French Hill near Mokelumne where French miners, elated by an
especially
rich strike, injudiciously raised their French flag. American miners
were
driven out. Mexicans had settled Sonora and named it after the place in
Mexico from which they had come. When Americans tried to force them
from
their rich claims, they retaliated with guns... Enforced at gunpoint,
the
2,000 Mexicans departed, but the [$20-per-month tax on foreign miners]
ruined Sonora...
Then came the turn of the Chinese miners.
In 1850, they numbered about 500 of the 57, miners. By 1852, they
numbered
several thousands in the mines. Their capacity for hard work and
frugality,
the way they kept to themselves and did not speak "proper" English,
their
skill in taking over abandoned claims and by diligent toil making them
pay did not endear them to the rowdier [white] elements in the mines.
Yet on February 20 of the next year,
Lincoln
County was born.
A newspaper article written in 1959 for
the Leader stated that rural resentment led to the county division.
Supposedly
B. F. Jones (1858-1925), grandson of John Graham (1805-1883), had gone
to Corvallis in order to obtain wood for bridge repairs. The court in
reply
told him "cherry poles are good enough for you clam diggers down
there."
This got Jones steaming mad, and he and some friends pushed a division
bill through the legislature while Benton County was napping. This
account
is doubtful. Charles B. Crosno (1845-1917) of Toledo, senator for
Benton
County, introduced a bill to divide the county early in 1893. According
to Bensell, "the bill was introduced under the influence of a large
petition
signed by the largest taxpayers on this side of the summit." The
Gazette's
first comment on the division proposal stated that "public
consideration"
was "In a more perfunctory vein than hostile." This is, until the
appearance
of a scheme to also divide the southern part of the county to create a
Blaine County, in honor of US politician James Gillespie Blaine
(1830-1893).
Then the eastern area of Benton County began to protest. The editor
commented:
The probabilities are that had the western county scheme stood alone upon its merits, there would not have been any considerable opposition to it in Eastern Benton. Circumstances well understood here would support this view of the case.
The next week the Gazette reported that an opposition movement, claiming the loyalty of 75 percent of the citizenry, had begun to circulate petitions against the division.
Toledo Selected County Seat
Toledo was selected as temporary county seat, with a future election to determine the permanent seat. It was under this sunny sky that Stewart moved from Woodburn and began the Lincoln County Leader on March 9, 1893. Toledo had grown in size, number of businesses, and gentility since the railroad came through, but the first issue of the Leader repeats some familiar themes as well as adding new ones. Most noticeably, Stewart reported the discovery of "the finest specimen of coal ever exhibited in Toledo." Crosno, meanwhile, was taking a sample of Toledo coal to the World's Fair. In other developments, over 500 people had gathered to celebrate the opening of the new county "under the auspices of the women," who fixed a huge meal. It was "undoubtedly" the biggest event on the bay ever. Toledo was poised for growth, and boosterism was in the air. "Investors have begun to get their eyes on Toledo and many strangers are looking the town and county over these days," Stewart wrote; “Toledo will experience no boom this year, but it will do some mighty growing.” a shingle mill was starting up, and "Not a vacant house in town. Who will build four or five cottages? There is money in it." Finally, Stewart began a theme which was probably of the most importance to the town in these early years, that of conservative public-spiritedness. "Lincoln County starts out with good prospects and in safe and conservative hands," but
The future prosperity of Toledo will depend to a great extent upon the liberality and public-spiritedness of its own citizens. The location of the county seat at Toledo has attracted favorable attention to this point, and many people will come to seek homes or investments here. The people must continue their present open and hospitable manner to all new comers. To those seeking purchases, property holders must not ask unreasonable prices. It is much better for a town to have 100 people owning $500 worth of property each than 50 people owning $1000 worth of property to every one. Every person who becomes a property holder in the town will become an advocate for its advancement and development.
The citizens of Toledo then took action
to
improve their standing. The second issue of the Leader reported that
"the
matter of incorporating Toledo is given considerable attention by the
people,"
and a public meeting was held at the end of March to discuss the
matter.
A vote was taken, and those in favor squeaked by with a 24 to 22 edge
while
a name change for the town was rejected. Thereupon a committee was
appointed
to get the ball rolling on the matter. In the meantime, the citizens
put
up half of the money and labor necessary to build a new depot for the
railroad
station. The Leader also continually vowed that Lincoln County would
stand
up for its rights against Benton County, which owned it considerable
delinquent
and other taxes. At the beginning of June, 43 electors signed a
petition
asking for incorporation; 40 signatures were required. The Leader in
July
reported that there was much talk pro and con on the issue, "a great
part
of which on both sides has been worthless." The editor does not,
however,
tell us what the arguments were. In any case, incorporation won by a
margin
of 37 to 18, with five ballots thrown out as defective. Toledo was
officially
a city.
Toledo now set its sights even higher.
First,
to conquer the ever elusive region next door:
The early opening of the Siletz Reservation would open up one of the finest bodies of agricultural and timber land on the coast. In "justice" to the people who are developing the magnificent country between the Coast Range and the Pacific Ocean, this reservation should be opened at an early date.
Despite recurrent reports that this would happen any day, though, the opening was continually cutoff. It was now clear that the earlier fear of the Indians had subsided—a genuine Indian war dance was promised as entertainment for the Fourth of July. The relationship between Indians and non-indianss, however, was probably still a complicated one. Although desiring the opening of the reservation, a promotional supplement of 1894 proclaimed that "Toledo enjoys the undivided trade of the Siletz Reservation." On a more personal level, B. F. Jones recalled as an adult that
The Indians, who were quite numerous at the time, used to congregate near the schoolhouse. The children became so interested in them that it was necessary to have the windows on the side of the building painted.
It is quite interesting to speculate on the
relationship
between the two groups in such a loose atmosphere. In any case, in the
last analysis what really mattered was summed up in Fagan’s comment
that
"if the Anglo-Saxon's heart is set on a tract of land, it rests not
until
it be had, by might if not by right." In May 1895, Pres. Cleveland
signed
the bill opening the reservation. This would have a decisive effect on
the early history of Toledo.
For Toledo simultaneously was locked in
a battle with the town of West Yaquina for the county seat.
West Yaquina no longer exists; it is
possible
Toledo would have met the same fate if it had lost hold of the seat.
The
first election came up in June 1894, and it was a relatively calm
affair.
The Leader said nothing on the matter until two weeks beforehand, when
it came out with a dispassionate, but large piece on the reasons to
vote
for Toledo. Geographic proximity to the rest of the county, good roads,
and the cost of moving the seat were listed prominently. Also given
space
was the argument that the prospective opening of the reservation would
move even more people into the Toledo area. In any case, the editor was
confident that no city would get a majority with Newport and Elk City
also
in the race. He was right; votes split geographically and West Yaquina
garnered only 41 percent of the vote to Toledo's 32 percent.
Something About Rings
The final vote between the two cities two years later was much more lively. West Yaquina apparently got the first blow in April 1896, as the Leader responded with a big front-page article, "Something About Rings." Stewart writes:
One of the stock arguments kept on hand and constantly in use by those opposed to Toledo for county seat is that there is a "ring" at Toledo which they want to tear down.
Yet they do not say who runs this "ring" or who composes it, he complains:
If by the wholesale charge of “ring” it is meant that the people of Toledo work together and pull together for the common good, then we plead guilty and ask no mercy. There is such a “ring” in Toledo.
Only one Toledo resident had yet held county office, he states, and only two have been nominated for this election. Stewart then turns on West Yaquina:
This “ring” is not backed in their fight for the county seat by any foreign capitalist, town lot boomer, national banker, nor even a busted banker, but is making a clean, honorable fight for it.
This theme is developed much more fully the next week in “Has Lincoln County A County Seat For Sale?” Stewart acknowledges the common talk that outside interests are trying to influence the election with money, and he then writes:
Are the citizens and taxpayers of the
grand
young county of Lincoln ready to let the town let speculators, the
national
bankers, and the coterie of speculating shylocks come into our
community
and debauch an election; to defeat the will of the people with money;
to
upset and defeat the will of the people in order that their town lots
that
they have bought for speculation may be enhanced in value and thus
bring
dollars to their pockets? Can the bankers and speculators twist and
wind
the people of the county to their own use and benefit by their brazen
check
and dollars?
We do not believe they can.
Things quieted down in the month before the election. The harshest the Leader got was to proclaim “Keep it fairly before the people—Boodle boon town lots and high taxes means West Yaquina; home people and low taxes mean Toledo." On June 4th, the Leader calmly announced Toledo's "victory," also stating that the Indians had behaved very well in their first election.568 In the next week's Leader we are able to discover just how well the Indians had behaved. The election table showed Siletz precinct going 149 to 0 for Toledo (even the vote in Toledo precinct was only 163 to 11!). The final vote was 615 to 504. Clearly, Toledo won the county seat because of the timing of the reservation's closure. Even though Stewart made no comment on this fact, West Yaquina picked upon it and threatened to contest the election in order to get the Indian votes thrown out. The Leader responded with a threat of its own. Toledo, it said, had hired one of the best attorneys in the state and started investigating voters in other precincts. "The use of money can now be established," Stewart wrote, and
We do not hesitate to predict that if a contest is started that the county seat will remain at Toledo; but some persons who voted in Lincoln County on June 1, 1896, will come very near to the doors of the Oregon penitentiary.
West Yaquina quietly dropped the challenge.
Not surprisingly, all this activity in the
city’s early years created a lively political culture in Toledo. Not
that
issues were even well-defined, but the prominent residents of the town
became used to frequent elections, participating in governmental
activity,
and keeping tabs on the work others were doing. The first city election
in 1893 saw the beginning of a pattern as a meeting of citizens
nominated
a ticket for mayor and council. It included men who would serve again
and
again through (and beyond) our time period. Elected by an average vote
of 45 out of 60, the slate, according to Stewart, assured the city of
"a
sound and conservative government till the next election at least."
1894 was a state and Congressional election
year, and the apparent consensus of 1893 dissolved into partisan
politics.
The Populists called the first convention for the county, and Toledo
was
given the greatest number of delegates.
Interestingly, one of the most prominent
Populists was Thomas P. Fish, a Portuguese immigrant who owned a
general
merchandise (cash only) store and who was listed as one of the
wealthiest
citizens in the Toledo precinct in 1893. Soon the other parties also
called
conventions. At least in terms of rhetoric, however, the county party
platforms
turned out to be very similar. This perhaps explains why apparently no
party ideology entered into the (partisan) races for county offices.
Party
loyalty and personality seem to be all that mattered. Republicans can
now
be identified as holding the majority in the Toledo city council
elected
in 1893, but the offices were well mixed. Toledo went solidly
Republican
in the June 1894 voting, but that did not at all give an indication of
future election results in the city. That partisan feeling did not run
very deep in local matters is seen in the city election held six months
after the state election. Again a citizen nominated ticket of various
party
affiliations ran unopposed.
Toledo parties continued along the same
lines for a few years after this. One interesting development was the
nomination
by both the Populists and Democrats of women for county school
superintendent
in 1896, but the state supreme court ruled the nominations
unconstitutional
before the election. The next year, however, saw significant changes in
city politics. The first report of lack of consensus within the
citizens'
meeting to nominate town officials came out in November 1897. Two
offices
were filled by acclamation, but all the others had at least two
nominees.
Those with three or more only required a plurality of the vote on a
first
ballot in order for nomination. We cannot tell for certain if this
meeting
was different from the ones before it, but what is known is that an
opposition
"independent citizen's ticket" sprang up to challenge three of the
meeting's
nominations. The new slate did not get very far, though, as its choice
for mayor stated that his name was used without consent. The slate went
down to defeat by a wide margin, but the contest had changed Toledo
politics.
Over the next year, J. F. Stewart was
elected
county judge and sold the Leader, while mayor B. F. Jones became
embroiled
in various controversies concerning fiscal administration, including a
lawsuit against him by the county. These two men were to be the
protagonists
in the biggest conflict in city politics during this period. The Toledo
election of 1898. Stewart kept the opposition movement alive by heading
a "reform and economy" ticket with newspaper publisher William H.
Alexander
(1840-1904). They claimed that Jones' tenure had been too ambitious in
terms of the debt bonding for certain city improvement projects. Jones
responded with a conservative appeal to keep the old guard, accusing
Stewart
of stirring up problems as a "new resident" (He had been in town for
five
and a half years). The new editor of the Leader commented that "to our
minds it is the old theory of the tempest in a teapot," with the
rivalry
fueled by personality conflict. Apparently, the reformers were accusing
the regular ticket of being controlled by "one man;" even though Jones
was not up for reelection as mayor. The editor stated that a number of
the reformers had taken a stand against incorporation, perhaps meaning
that a long-standing fissure had been dividing the community.
In any case, Jones wrote a stinging rebuke
of Stewart the week before the election. Accusing Stewart of pure
selfishness,
Jones abandoned caution in his criticism:
I respect a Christian more than any other person if I think he is honest. Mr. Stewart is an official in the Methodist church of this city and he also poses as a reformer and prohibitionist. He has written many articles on the subject of giving whiskey to the Indians, and denounced those who sell or give whiskey to Indians in very harsh terms. Notwithstanding all this, he last January accepted the sum of $25 from a well known cannery man in this county who had been guilty of letting the Indians have whiskey, and for this paltry sum closed the columns of the Leader and agreed to go to the Siletz to use his influence to keep certain Indians from prosecuting said cannery man.
Apparently the voters were not uniformly
impressed with these charges, though, for two reform candidates won
election
to the city council, including Stewart. The regular ticket picked up
the
offices of city recorder and city marshal and one council seat. No
mention
of the division, however, was made over the next year. In 1899, though,
the "independent citizens" again ran against the "citizens." Jones
declined
to run for reelection as mayor, but defended the improvements his four
year tenure had brought. "There was not a street open in Toledo" in
1895,
he wrote, and the and the opposition voted for everything for which the
council had voted appropriation. Yet each side ran a full slate, and
this
time the opposition swept into power, claiming the mayor's office, one
of the three alderman's seats, and all the three city offices.
The editor, however, called the election
"one of the most gentlemanly contests ever witnessed in Toledo," and
indeed
no platforms or even personality clashes were raised this time. Again,
the issue disappeared completely during the following year, and the
1900
city election was not even reported in the Leader. The whole conflict
may
very well have just been a big spat that became ritualized into normal
political rivalry, but the very rare public accusations leveled at
Stewart
and the first rumblings of opposition in 1897 cast doubt on this
interpretation.
Still, the 1900 Census gives us no reason to believe that a real social
division lay behind the conflict. All but two of the 21 men running for
office in 1897 to 1899 can be identified in the census manuscripts. No
significant differences in occupation of home ownership differentiate
the
two sides; in fact, they almost all lived in very close proximity to
each
other. Party differences do not seem to be the answer either; both
Jones
and Stewart were Democrats. It just may not be possible to find out
much
more about this rupture.
In any case, this episode of conflict did
not prevent the leaders of Toledo from maintaining a moderately
conservative
social atmosphere in the city. Religion, though, does not seem to have
been overly important in the life of the town. Although three church
denominations
began to hold services in the 1880s, during the 1890s usually only one
or two denominations met. When they did, it was only twice a month at
most,
as they had to share ministers with the rest of the county. The first
set
of "church notes" did not appear in the Leader until 1899, when the
Methodist
pastor advertised his services with the promise, "come Christmas Eve,
we
contemplate a whooping time." Evangelists came through occasionally but
inspired little comment; in 1900 a Methodist revival's lack of success
was credited to skating rinks and other attractions available to Toledo
residents.
It was rather in the realm of public
spiritedness
and vigilance that Toledo excelled. Fraternal lodges proliferated
continuously,
with most meeting weekly (compared to monthly or bimonthly church
services).
The Good Templars were the first to organize the formation of the
county,
with 42 members. Headed by Crosno, nine of the first set of 14 officers
were women.
Yet Toledo remained moderate in the matter
of temperance. The will of John Graham, the original squatter, forbade
the location of saloons in Toledo, but the land was broken up and sold
with no regard for his wishes.
Prohibition candidates rarely got more than
one or two votes in any election, and the saloonkeeper Henry Wulf, who
kept a "quiet and orderly resort," had a house that was an "ornament"
to
the town. The Good Templars' lodge rarely did anything that received
much
publicity after its first literary contest in May 1893. This included
topics
such as "The Savior's Call;" "A Freeman's Ballot;" "The Martyred
Mother;"
"Arise! Break the Chains," and "The Voice From the Poorhouse."
Yet social control was an important concern
of the Toledo citizenry. The first big "scandal" in Toledo occurred in
June 1893. Stewart tells the story:
Out attention has been called to the fact that there are two or three bulls running at large in and around the town. It is a constant source of danger from them to be allowed to thus run. Women and young girls with red dresses or red wrappers on are not infrequently over the town and they are liable to be attacked at any time by some of these beasts. Parties owning such beasts should keep them confined.
Apparently such public pressure worked, for the city council was able to move on to more important matters. The first ordinance passed relate to the licensing of liquor in the city, requiring a stiff $400 a year fee for a liquor license. Section three was particularly designed to "protect the virtue" of the young city:
Any keeper of a barroom, tippling house, or drinking shop who shall permit or employ any women to act as waitress or bartender or to sing or dance, or to serve in any capacity in such barroom, tippling house or drinking shop, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor.
The ordinance was in force until 1900,
when
a $500 bond secured by witnesses replaced the $400 annual fee.
Toledo was indeed occasionally plagued with
problems stemming from liquor. The third ordinance passed by the city
council
was one "concerning offenses and disorderly conduct." Complaints from
Stewart
about the ineffectiveness of the ordinance began February 1895 with the
report of two or three vile drunks roaming around town. Perhaps a
long-standing
problem was just coming out into the open, for he wrote, "The toughs
can’t
run Toledo and they will come to grief if they keep on trying." The
problem
escalated the next year:
The disgraceful scenes that occurred on our streets last Saturday must not be repeated. It is a disgrace to a "civilized" community that such conduct should be tolerated, and the law-abiding people of Toledo will not further submit to such lawlessness. It is the marshal's duty to conserve the peace and to arrest the lawbreakers, be they Indian or white, and the time has now fully arrived when he must perform that duty, or resign... there is no excuse for allowing such outrageous conduct on our streets.
The scenes enacted on the streets of Toledo last Saturday were disgraceful in the extreme. Toledo must prevent a repetition of them, even if it must go to extreme measures. The good citizens of the town cannot afford to allow such conduct. Until recently Toledo has enjoyed a reputation for law and order that has been the envy of other places... We have just passed through a struggle for the prosperity of our town, and we cannot afford how to surrender all we have won and more too.
Yet Stewart did not offer a solution to the
problem,
and he did not even seem to feel it appropriate to publicize the name
of
Toledo residents who were involved. He was more willing to point out
Indian
drunkenness, stating that if the problem continued, "we had just as
well
give up the idea of having law and order in our village." The
fragmentary
city records that exist, though, seem to credit the best part of
disorderly
conduct to the whites.
The final area of Toledo's early life that
remains to be examined is the economy. Here resigned also a moderate
public
spiritedness. The rhetoric of boosterism implied that business people
were
in the boat together:
Those who have pinned their faith firmly to the bay county and continues to do so, will be amply rewarded. The rapid development of the county is assured and the benefits will be correspondingly great.
In this spirit, cooperative labor exchanges, a
subscription creamery originally envisioned as a cooperative, and a
Board
of Trade to promote Toledo business interests were formed. Meanwhile,
new
stores were coming in and a telephone line being put in between Toledo
and Newport; despite acknowledged hard times there were "no flies on
Toledo."
The only incident of conflict in the city's economy reported by the
Leader
drew the comment, "Toledo rarely ever has labor troubles, but it was
the
scene of a strike last Friday." Apparently the Chinese cook at the
Blake
House refused to cook, "or even wash dishes" and was promptly fired.
Jack Chen reflects on the high regard
"substantial
citizens" had for Chinese cooks on the West Coast during the goldrush:
Substantial citizens in the West had no unfriendly feelings toward the Chinese in the early days. They found them good employees. It was chic to have a Chinese cook or gardener, and in these capacities the Chinese were much appreciated by their employers.
Yet how to develop Toledo was a problem for the city. As Stewart put it, "Lincoln County has the climate and the resources. All it needs is labor and capital to develop the latter." The most ambitious development plan formulated by the business people of Toledo came in 1894. "Many Citizens" called a meeting to discuss improving the tidelands, with the search for a staple article and a market for it specifically in mind. Stewart assured the cautious that "some would-be boomer" did not call the meeting, but rather substantial people "who can influence a large amount of outside capital." Steam dredging the dykes and planting sugar beets was hit upon as the answer. The scheme never came off, but at least Stewart thought it was not a pipe dream:
That the plan proposed is entirely feasible and practicable is amply demonstrated by the careful observation and study that practical people have given the matter. Those who are urging the enterprise are strictly practical, and are of considerable capital themselves, and are capable of interesting enough more [people] to make any work which they might start a thorough success.
The proposal may have been rooted more in worry than optimism, however, for the next month Stewart preached a sermon on the dangers of waiting for another railroad boom. Toledo must develop its agriculture in order to have a chance at economic success:
Let us turn our face resolutely from the deceitful past with its whirligig of wealth-making and turn it with the true hearts and strong hands to development of the great resources with which we are supplied...
Besides activities that fit neatly into categories like the political or the economic, Toledo had its share of the ordinary pleasures of life. A baseball team formed in 1893 beat Newport 25 to nine one fine day in August. The boys in town were starting a minstrel troupe; Women's Aid Societies occasionally organized the community for a cemetery clean up. Toledo boasted of its musical talent; it was sometimes recalcitrant in support of public schools. And the teenagers were a problem. They made noise at public events, hopped on trains going through town, and six of them apparently "did commit an "indecent act" and "disorderly" by spitting upon a certain building occupied by Christian Hansen (1846-1915), whereby the peace and quiet of the city was disturbed." Most importantly, "the war spirit of this community took definite shape" with the sinking of the USS Maine; Norwegian immigrant Otto O. Krogstad began to drill nine to 13 year olds, and 30 men signed up for a military company with hopes of being mustered into the Oregon National Guard.
Census Analysis
Unfortunately, the manuscript census
returns
do not tell us much about Toledo's history in the 19th Century beyond
age
ratios, occupational distributions, and the like. One major problem is
that the 1870 and 1880 returns are only demarcated by Toledo precinct,
not the specific area around the town. Persistence is nearly
non-existent,
so any occupational mobility is impossible. The crucial missing link is
the 1890 Census manuscripts, destroyed by fire. The 1910 Census returns
have been released, and a history of Toledo which considers the early
years
of the 20th Century could valuably use them, as the 1900 Census
specifically
divides the City of Toledo from the surrounding area.
Still, we can find a few interesting details
about Toledo's population through the census returns. Total population
was 200 in 1870, 232 in 1880, and 302 in 1900. The tables are pretty
much
self-explanatory, although a few comments are in order. First, things
did
not change that much over our period, even with the switch of analysis
from the precinct to the town. The sex ratio was perhaps the most
dramatic
indicator of change, going from 73.7 percent male in 1879 to 52.1
percent
in 1900. The age ratio did not change much, although the population
aged
50 and over had increased significantly by 1900. Approximately, for
Toledo,
the plurality of people not born in Oregon came from Ohio in 1870 and
1880.
The Great Plains, however, took over by 1900. Immigration from the
South
was nearly non-existent.
Not surprisingly, business and professional
occupations became much more important in 1900. The non-farming
occupations
in 1870 and 1880 would not even be as great a percentage of occupations
if the Siletz Reservation had not been included. The most important
comment
necessary to interpret the occupational figures concerns the high
percentage
of laborers in all three censuses. A large proletariat was by no means
floating through Lincoln County in 1870, for example, of the 20
laborers,
13 of them were sons of farmers and the other seven lived in residence
with another heads of household. In 1800, only three of the laborers
were
heads of household. By 1900, this number had grown to eight, but five
of
those owned their own home. At the same time, 60 percent of all heads
of
household owned their own home, only 20 percent of them with a mortgage
attached. The relative balance of occupations in 1900 is also worthy of
notice.
Only three women held "titled occupations"
in 1870, two educators and one matron. By 1900, though, 14 of the 91
women
over 16 had titled occupations listed. Included were three
housekeepers,
three dressmakers, three educators, two milliners, one crayon artist,
one
servant, and one boardinghouse keeper. In 1900, there were nine female
heads of household, compared to three in 1880 and none in 1870.
Only seven, or 7.6 percent of all male heads
of household in Toledo precinct in 1870 remained there ten years later.
This included the physician at the reservation and four very close
neighbors
who lived near the reservation. This could indicate the Siletz may have
been the only core of stability in the area for a long time after the
settlement
of Yaquina.
Toledo was extremely homogeneous ethnically
throughout the period, although the 1870 Census shows three non-indians
married Indian women with six children, and the 1880 Census shows two
such
marriages with three children. In 1900, no Indians lived in the city,
but
two Chinese men worked at the hotel and four Japanese laborers were
working
on the railroad.
Semi-Conclusion
In the end, this study of the early history of Toledo does not suggest any conclusions. The year 1900 marks no special stage of transition for Toledo; that will only occur with WWI. Yet what has been presented here is a basic outline of the development of Toledo from a small outpost in a wild frontier area into a self-confident city facing basically new and different problems. As we have seen, change in Toledo was accomplished through struggle in a setting that contained many possibilities. Our position today, of course, remains the same as this.
The Birth of Toledo
Joseph D. Graham and William Mackey left
Corvallis for this part of the country. They came for the purpose of
taking
homesteads. This region had just been thrown open to settlers at that
time.
Their outfit consisted of a team of horses
and a wagon with a towboat for a bed in which their supplies were
packed.
At Nortons,
which was at the end of the wagon road, they left their team, and
launched
the boat after cutting the brush away from the banks of the river, and
after many weary hours of travel, they arrived at the end of the
toilsome
journey.
Mackey filed on a claim on the south side
of the Yaquina River, while Graham took the one where Toledo is now
located,
but being only 20 years of age, he was unable to hold it, and so his
father,
John Graham, with one of his daughters, came over and took charge of
the
claim. A year later he took the claim west of his father's. The
government
spruce mill now stands on a portion of Joe Graham's claim.
When they came here, there was nothing but
mountains covered with old burnt snags, and the tidelands were covered
with tules and had many dangerous tide holes into which one might fall
without the least warning.
They endured a great many hardships the
first winter, living in a small shack with only a fireplace to heat it.
The daughters did the cooking on the open fireplace for a number of
men.
They were also cut off from the outer world, there being no roads in
there.
The Indians were very restless for at this time they were being
collected
and put on the Siletz Reservation.
In the spring, Joe Graham built his house
just back of where the National Security Bank is now located. His
father
built a house of 16 rooms, using it for a hotel. It was where the
Lincoln
Hotel now stands. After it was completed, he moved his family over here
from Corvallis.
It is said that when the post office was
established in 1868, J. D. Graham, a son, was told that he could name
the
place. He said, "I am homesick for Ohio. We will call the place
Toledo."
Toledo post office was established on July 4, 1868, with Bill Mackey
first
postmaster.
The Oregon Pacific, which is now the
Southern
Pacific, was built from both ends, and was connected somewhere at
Blodgett's
Valley in the 19th Century. At this time, the train made connections
with
boats at Yaquina City, and the passengers and freight could be taken
north
or south on the boat twice a week.
John Graham would not sell land to anyone
on which to locate a saloon, so some men who were following along with
the railroad construction crew anchored a scow in the river, and built
a saloon on it. Later, he made a will which contained a provision
forbidding
the building of saloons in Toledo, but after some years different parts
of the land were sold, and the new owners failed to carry out his wish.
In 1893, Lincoln County was formed from
a part of Benton County. This region was separated from the other part
by mountains and the people were being taxed but received no benefit
from
it. They formed this county—selecting Toledo for the county
seat—because
it was the most centrally located town. The first court was held in a
hall
which later became known as Gust Olson's (1846-1921) barn. When the
county
became a little richer, they built the present courthouse.
After John Graham had built his house, he
went out to the valley and brought in 80 head of cattle, and in this
way
established the dairy industry. Fishing was already carried on to some
extent. The first mill was built at Caledonia, now the southern part of
Toledo. Some time later the old Fischer-Story Mill was built. At first,
it was very small, but as the years passed by, it changed hands quite
often
and each owner added something to it. The next one built was the Altree
Mill, and a few years after that, Guy Roberts' Mill was built. Last of
all, but not least, came the big government spruce mill, which had
added
a great deal to the city’s tax budget.
The first schoolhouse was built on the
opposite
side of the track from the creamery, and as the town grew larger, a new
one was built over the canyon where the new gymnasium is now located.
Only
two educators were employed then. A few years later a larger school
building
was built. As the town grew, more rooms were needed, so they completed
the old school as it is now. In 1911, the high school was built. At the
present time, there are 38 students attending high school, with three
teachers;
and 159 in the elementary grades with five teachers employed.
Toledo has a population of about 800. It's
main street is paved. We have also electric lights and a good water
system.
There are four concrete business houses.
A Busy Farmhouse 1850
In her book, Rural Hours, Susan Fenimore Cooper (1813-1894), the eldest daughter of James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851), takes a look at the daily life of a busy farm woman:
From the window of the room in which we
were
sitting, we looked over the whole of farmer Brown's farm; the wheat
field,
corn field, potato patch, and buckwheat field. The farmer himself, with
his wagon and horses, a boy and a man, were busy in a hay field, just
below
the house; several cows were feeding in the meadow, and about 50 sheep
were nibbling on the hillside. A piece of woodland was pointed out on
the
height above, which supplied the house with fuel. We saw no evergreens
there; the trees were chiefly maple, birch, oak, and chestnut; with us,
about the lake, every wood contains hemlock and pine.
Finding we were interested in rural matters,
our good friend offered to show us whatever we wished to see, answering
all our many questions with the sweet, old smile peculiar to herself.
She
took us to the little garden; it contained potatoes, cabbages, onions,
cucumbers, and beans; a row of current bushes was the only fruit; a
patch
of catnip, and another of mint, grew in one corner. Our farmers, as a
general
rule, are proverbially indifferent about their gardens. There was no
fruit
on the place besides the apple trees of the orchard; one is surprised
that
cherries, and pears, and plums, all suited to our hilly climate in this
country, should not receive more attention; they yield a desirable
return
for the cost and labor required to plant and look after them.
Passing the barn, we looked in there also;
a load of sweet hay had just been thrown into the loft, and another was
coming up the road at the moment. Farmer Brown worked his farm with a
pair
of horses only, keeping no oxen. Half a dozen hens and some geese were
the only poultry in the yard; the eggs and feathers were carried, in
the
autumn, to the store at [?] Green, or sometimes as far as our own
village.
A Woman's Work is Never Done
They kept four cows; formerly they had a
much larger dairy; but our hostess had counted her three score and ten,
and being the only woman in the house, the dairy work of four cows, she
said, was as much as she could well attend. One would think so; for she
also did all the cooking, baking, washing, ironing, and cleaning for
the
family, consisting of three persons; besides a share of the sewing,
knitting,
and spinning. We went into her little buttery; here the bright tin pans
were standing full of rich milk; everything was thoroughly scoured,
beautifully
fresh, and neat. A stone jar of fine yellow butter, whose flavor we
knew
of old, stood on one side, and several cheese were in press. The
woodwork
was all painted red.
While our kind hostess, on hospitable
thought
intent, was preparing something nice for tea, we were invited to look
about
the little sitting room and see "farm ways" in that shape. It was both
parlor and guest chamber at the same time. In one corner stood a maple
bedstead, with a large, plump feather bed on it, and two tiny pillows
in
well bleached cases at the head. The walls of the room were
whitewashed,
the woodwork was unpainted, but so thoroughly scoured, that it had
acquired
a sort of polish and oak color. Before the windows hung colored paper
blinds.
Between the windows was a table, and over it hung a small lookingglass
and a green and yellow drawing in watercolors, the gift from a friend.
On one side stood a cherry bureau; upon this lay the Holy Bible, and
that
its sacred pages had been well studied, our friend's daily life could
testify.
Near the Bible lay a volume of religious character from the Methodist
press,
and the Life of General Marion. The mantel piece was ornamented with
peacocks'
feathers, and brass candlesticks, bright as gold; in the fireplace were
fresh sprigs of asparagus. An open cupboard stood on one side,
containing
the cups and saucers, in neat array, a pretty salt cellar, with several
pieces of cracked and broken crockery, of a superior quality, preserved
for ornament more than use.
Such was the "square room" as It was called.
It opened into the kitchen, and as our dear hostess was coming and
going,
dividing her time between her biscuits and her guests, very
impartially,
at last we asked permission to follow her, and sit by her while she was
at work, admiring the kitchen quite as much as we did the rest of her
neat
dwelling. The largest room in the house, and the one most used, it was
just as neat as every other corner under the roof. The chimney was very
large, according to the approved old custom, and it was garnished all
about
with flatirons, brooms, brushes, holders, and cooking utensils, each in
its proper place. In winter, they used a stove for cooking, and in the
very coldest weather, they kept two fires burning, one in the chimney,
another in the stove. The walls were whitewashed. There was a great
deal
of woodwork about the room—wainscoting, dressers, and even the ceiling
being of wood—if it be unplastered, as this was, is often a pretty
rustic
sight, a sort of storeplace, all kinds of things hanging there on hooks
or nails driven into the beams; bundles of dried herbs, strings of red
peppers and of dried apples hanging in festoons, tools of various
kinds,
bags of different sorts and sizes, golden ears of seed corn ripening,
vials
of physic and nostrums for man and beast, bits of cord and twine,
skeins
of yarn and brown thread just spun, and lastly, a file of newspapers.
The
low red ceiling of farmer Brown's kitchen was not quite so well
garnished
in July as we have seen it at other times, still, it was by no means
bare,
the festoons of apples, red peppers, and Indian corn being the only
objects
wanting. By the window hung an ink bottle and a well-fingered almanac,
witty and wise, as usual. A year or two since, an edition of the
almanac
was printed without the usual prognostics regarding the winds and
sunshine,
but it proved a complete failure; an almanac that told nothing about
the
year's weather nobody cared to buy, and it was found expedient to
restore
these important predictions concerning the future snow, hail, and
sunshine
of the county. Public opinion demanded it.
A great spinning wheel, with a basket of
carded wool, stood in a corner, where it had been set aside when we
arrived.
There was a good deal of spinning done in the family; all the yarn for
stockings, for flannels, for the cloth worn by the men, for the colored
woolen dresses of the women, and all the thread for their coarse
toweling,
etc., was spun in the house by our hostess, or her granddaughter, or
some
neighbors hired for the purpose.
Farming in Lincoln County
From the early 1880s into the 1930s, tens
of thousands of people ventured to the Central Oregon Coast via train.
But few accounts documenting travelers' impressions of the region
exist.
In January 1892, a very telling account of a trip to Yaquina Bay was
written
by a Corvallis Gazette reporter. A conversation with the man sitting
next
to him on a Yaquina bound train inspired him to write a newspaper
column.
About the time the train reached Yaquina,
the topic of discussion between the reporter and traveler turned to the
economy of the area, particularly east county. The traveler "looked at
the muddy waters of the bay" and the hills surrounding the bay and
asked
the reporter, "How do you people make a living?" The reporter found the
question "surprisingly difficult to answer." After thinking on it a
while,
the reporter gave up and asked for another topic of conversation.
After the two departed company, the reporter
devoted more thought to the question and then wrote a column detailing
the answer he should have given to the traveler.
Many people came to what is now East Lincoln
County to take advantage of free government homestead land, even though
it was too hilly for large-scale, profitable farming. In spite of the
topographical
challenge, people sought out free east county land that the reporter
diplomatically
called "not so level as to be monotonous." The only level and to be
found
in the region was "at the bottom of the bay."
What was the attraction? Early on it was
to get rich quick. Word spread the land would yield a very profitable
sugar
beet crop. Coal deposits drew many to the area hoping to make a quick
fortune.
Neither of these pursuits made anyone wealthy in this region.
By 1892, most folks were a little wiser
about the agricultural limitations of the area. The reporter wrote that
people continued to be drawn here because "it's a big thing for a poor
man with a few hundreds to homestead a claim, raise his own garden,
beef
and pork, set out his fruit trees and raise most of the feed for his
family."
They were not expected to become rich but to make an honest living
which
is "all the Lord and the law requires."
As for employment opportunities in 1892
for new arrivals into the area: "The work is not to be had, there is
scarcely
sufficient for those already settled here." He added, "It's not right
to
coax people to buy a lot and spend their last dollar building a house
on
it, with the promise of plenty of employment."
Fortunately, Lincoln County has more
employment
opportunities today, though finding a living wage job is more difficult
than elsewhere. The average wage in Lincoln County is lower than the
state
average and even lower than the national average.
Toledo Development League Invites You 1911
Do you want a farm? Do you want a tract
of
land where one acre will keep a man busy and when 10 to 20 acres will
enable
the owner to raise hay, grain and vegetables for feeding stock, for
home
use and for sale, to keep a herd of dairy cattle, hogs, chickens, to
have
a fruit orchard, a berry patch and where you cannot only make a good
living,
but can save money?
These two questions are addressed to the
man who reads this booklet and is looking for a home in the Pacific
Northwest.
Lincoln County has the land which will do all that is outlined above.
This
being true, and investigation as to the reliability of any statement
made
in this publication is earnestly requested, the Toledo Development
League
is sending out an invitation to the home seeker to come to Lincoln
County.
This is one of the counties in Western Oregon which is sparsely
settled.
It has never been advertised to an extent which has brought it to the
attention
of the man looking for a location where he can engage in farm pursuits.
There are tide and bottom lands and hill lands, adapted to farming,
fruit
growing, dairying, poultry farming and bee keeping. There are billions
of feet of timber, large coal deposits and fishing industries.
Opportunity
is open to the man who must begin in a modest way and there are
openings
for men of means. Asking settlers to come to Lincoln County is inviting
them to come to a section where success has been achieved.
Lincoln County, has an area of 647, 380
acres. It has a population of between 5,000 and 6,000. Its cities and
towns
have more than one half the population in the county, and comparatively
few men are at work on the farms. This land is not at all adapted to
cultivation,
but there are vast areas which will yield in abundance, and it is to
interest
farmers, stockmen and dairymen in these lands that this is written. The
timber resources are great, the deposits of coal and building material
valuable, the fisheries sources of wealth. But the fertile, undying
soil
is Lincoln County's greatest asset. This will endure when forests are
denuded,
when quarry and mine are exhausted, and when even the waters have been
despoiled.
All of Lincoln County is rich in developed
and undeveloped resources. The part of the county directly tributary to
Toledo is the section under consideration in this publication. The
industries
of the forest, the field, the mine, the product, the net results to the
farmer or to the man engaged in other vocations are to be told of. The
object is to induce settlement—to build up the country.
Along Yaquina Bay, the Olalla, Yaquina and
Siletz rivers, and along smaller streams are tide and bottom lands of
marvelous
fertility. Dyking is necessary on the tide lands, but they more than
repay
any outlay. Most of the land bordering Yaquina Bay is either protected
from overflow, or the work of dyking is in progress. The land is easily
drained and at once becomes valuable for cultivation or pasture. It is
adapted to the latter purpose before dyking. The ridges of earth are
thrown
up and after disintegration are seeded, so that in the event of
unusually
high tides the action of the water is harmless. The bottom lands are
also
rich. The clearing of these is not expensive. The bench and hill lands
are more difficult to clear, but the cost is not large. The logged-off
lands are adapted to the growth of hay, cereals and fruits. The
char-pitting
method and stump pullers, and sometimes explosives are resorted to in
order
to get rid of the obstructions to cultivation. The purposes to which
the
land may be devoted are outlined in brief herewith:
The farm holdings in Lincoln County in
the
vicinity of Toledo do not average large. There are different reasons
for
this. One is that a large farm is not required to make money for the
owner,
and the question of labor is a prime consideration. The man who does
not
have to hire hands is the one who is doing the best. Wages are high.
The
principal farm crops do not differ from those of other sections. The
grains
are not threshed. The oats, wheat and rye are cut in the milk and cured
for feed. When the farmer needs grain for his cattle, horses, hogs or
chickens,
he buys it. His hay crop is for his own stock and for sale to the men
who
want to fatten stock for market. When he sells he get from $10 to $15
per
ton on his farm, and the price rules higher when he bales his crop for
shipment. He uses a separator and sells his cream in the nearest town
or
ships it by rail. His eggs and poultry find ready sale. Hogs are not
raised
in large numbers. They are not, in the language of a farmer here: "A
carload
proposition." The farmer raises enough for his own needs, and he sells
any surplus to the local butchers. Hogs are easily fattened on the hay
and root crops which are grown. They give the farmer good meat at a
price
which is less than the ordinary householder pays and when he sells he
gets
the ruling market price which has been high during late years. In the
pages
that follow will be found verified statements of actual experiences.
The bench and hill lands are adapted to
certain varieties of fruits. Apples have brought good returns. Winesaps
and Jonathans bear well. The Spitzenburg has not proven successful thus
far. It is thought that with proper pollenization this variety will
pay.
The King of Tompkins Company is at its best in this section. As an
experiment
a carload was shipped to Los Angeles, and the fruit sold for $2.75 to
$3.50
a box. Commercial orchards in the vicinity of Toledo are not plentiful.
Nearly every farmer has a family orchard, which includes so many
varieties
that the product of several orchards is necessary to secure a carload
of
any particular kind. There has been up to this time entire freedom from
pests. It is worthy of record that a standing reward of $50 for a wormy
apple grown in this section has never been claimed. This immunity for
disease
has led to indifferent care of trees. Pruning has been neglected and
spraying
unnecessary. Prevention is better than cure and orchardists will
anticipate
The coming of pests and protect the trees by spraying. With systematic
cultivation, proper pruning and needed precaution good yields may be
expected.
The same measure of success is to be anticipated here as elsewhere in
Oregon.
Bartlett, Winter Nellis and some other
varieties
of pears have proven successful. Large pear orchards are not to be
seen.
The quality of fruit grown is a guarantee that the pear orchard will be
remunerative.
The popularity and large plantings of prune
trees in the Willamette Valley led to the setting out of good sized
trees.
For some reason, The fruit will not mature without cracking. For family
use and for canning the prunes are a success, but it is the consensus
of
the opinion that the prune crop along the shores of Yaquina Bay will
not
bring the owner the returns he can get by devoting the land to some
other
purpose than prune growing.
To tell the yield of strawberries,
blackberries,
raspberries, loganberries, gooseberries and currants seems like
exaggeration.
The vines mature quickly and the crop is enormous. The flavor of all
berries
is excellent. The berry is a profitable fruit. It means delicious food
for the home. Were the latter alone considered, the berry crop would be
of importance. The large returns, which are unfailing will make the
Lincoln
County berry a favorite when placed on the market.
It is not an easy matter to state when
vegetable
products may be successfully grown here. Nothing that has been planted
as an experiment has scored a failure, while enormous crops of
different
varieties of food products are grown. Five hundred bushels of potatoes
to the acre on bottom lands and an average of 150 to 250 bushels on
bench
lands is the yield. Transportation costs something but with potatoes
selling,
retail in the Portland market at $2.75 per hundred in April 1911 it
will
readily be seen that the potato patch will be a revenue producer even
though
the "middlemen" has a hand in the transaction.
The growing of celery and asparagus on the
tide lands is one of the market gardening possibilities. The soil is
especially
adapted to vegetables and the varieties named are profitable. It is
confidently
stated that $500 per acre net profit a year can be made. Cauliflower is
another tideland product of excellence and value. Onions give
marketable
returns and the same is true of beets, turnips, squash, rutabagas,
radishes,
lettuce, spinach, etc., clear through the vegetable catalog.
Western Oregon is conceded to have no
superior
as a dairying section in the US, and it is contended that no part is
better
adapted to the industry. Climate has much to do with this. The absence
of severe cold means that the cattle do not have to be housed and stall
fed. It means further green feed 12 months of the year. The tide and
bottom
lands furnish good pastures practically all the time and the bench and
hill lands are splendid feeding grounds. Kale, rutabagas and other root
crops are fed when the grass is short. The crops are left in the ground
until needed. Once acre of tide land will keep two cows a year. The
higher
lands will not furnish as much feed, but the root crops help out here.
The ordinary range cow nets the owner from $65 to $85 per annum. Better
breeds are being bought by the dairymen, and the Jersey is a favorite.
The Jersey milk cow will net the owner $100 per annum and over. The
summer
returns a cow will run from $6 to $9 per month and during the winter
from
$8 to $12. There is no possibility of over production. Oregon is buying
butter in carload lots from the dairy districts of the Midwest. An
expert
dairyman from Illinois recently made the statement that the tide lands
here were the best for dairying purposes he ever saw. They furnish just
double the amount of feed per acre that is secured from an equal area
in
his home state.
“Everything that can be said in favor of
the Angora goat in any other locality may be emphasized in Lincoln
County,”
said J. F. Stewart, a pioneer of Toledo. The only pest is the wild
animal.
Goat and sheepmen get better prices for their mohair and wool from
animals
sheared in this strip of coast country than the grower in any other
section.
The texture and cells of the clip are similar to the high grade
products
of the Old World. The goat is an economical animal for the owner. Grass
is a secondary proposition with the Angora. He takes a bite of
everything
that comes his way. If the goat has any religion, it is to sample
everything
in sight—to fill up a course dinner of all within reach, and leave the
best of the forage for more particular animals. Woe to the tender
sapling
that shoots forth, to the Russian thistle. Woe to the upspringing enemy
of the farmer. The goat is his best friend in a new country where
clearing
has to be done. The Angora is an embryo char-pitting device, a grubbing
hoe and logged-off land clearer in a combination which cannot be
beaten.
He works for nothing, boards himself, and pays his owner handsomely for
the privilege of filling his purse. The goat industry was the first one
in the vicinity. The flocks have paid from the beginning. They have
laid
the foundation for many homes in Lincoln County.
Historian Joseph
Gaston wrote that Oregon is one of the few states of the Union
that has made success in breeding goats for their fleeces. The mohair fleeces of the goats have not always brought the farmer their full value. The buyers combine to hold down the prices of this product, and it having only a limited market they have too often succeeded. The "fashion" controls the demand for clothing, and determines the demand for mohair. But the utility value of mohair will eventually give it a large market and make its production one of the great agricultural interests of Oregon. The goats have fully proven their great values to the pioneer squatter in the timbered regions. They clear his land, they furnish him excellent food and their fleeces command money and pay for food and clothing. The 1910 Census reports the number of goats in Oregon at 185,411, valued at $370,637.
With eggs bringing from 20 to 25 cents a
dozen and chickens selling at 15 to 18 cents a pound, live weight,
there
is money in growing fowls here. The mild climate which makes farming,
fruit
growing, dairying and other pursuits a success is equally valuable for
poultry. While some attention is now being given to the better egg
producing
varieties, mixed breeds are more in evidence. The hens will net their
owner
$1 each per year. They require little care. An inexpensive roosting
place
is about all they require.
Gaston wrote that the increase in the number
of fowls on Oregon farms during the last decade according to the 1910
Census
amounts to 32.8 percent,
while the value shows an increase from $583,000 to $1,068,000 or 83.3 percent. The increase in number is confined to chickens, there being a decrease in the number of every other kind of fowl reported. The number of farms reporting poultry increased from 29,997 to 37,126, or 23.8 percent; thus the average number of fowls per farm reporting increased from 46 to 49. The value of poultry and number of farms reporting were obtained in 1900 for the total of all fowls only, and not for each kind as in 1910.
The white clover, fruit blossoms, vine
maple
and other forest growths are the source of the honey supply in the
neighborhood
of Toledo. A hundred pounds per colony is the average amount of honey
secured.
It sells readily for 15 cents a pound, and this price is practically
net
to the owner of the bees. The hives are kept in the open during the
entire
year.
Paer A. Miller (1854-1915), who lives seven
miles east of Toledo has been devoting a little attention to bees for
some
years. From 20 colonies he secured in one season 1,335 pounds of first
class high-grade comb honey; 300 pounds of second-grade comb honey and
extracted 400 pounds, making a total output of 2,045 pounds, an average
of over 100 pounds to the colony. This netted him $275, an average of
$13.75
per colony. Miller says in connection with the expenses of production:
The labor of caring for 20 colonies did not exceed two and a half hours a day during the honey season of three or four months.
J. F. Stewart, who settled in Toledo around 1893, was in on the beginning of things,
so far as the utilization of land for stock-growing and farming is concerned. When I saw what was to be seen and visited the section surrounding Toledo, I was disappointed and discouraged. The settlers were poor. They depended to a considerable extent upon their skill with the rifle to supply household needs. I thought the matter over and decided to stay. I am glad of my decision. The country has proven its worth. The men who were living in shacks when I came now live in comfortable homes. They are no longer poor. Every one of them has a bank account, and their home places are worth from $5,000 to $10,000. They have livestock, which includes a dairy herd, they have productive fields, gardens and orchards. What these early settlers have done can be duplicated by the settler today, and he will not have to undergo the privations of the pioneer.
Toledo banker, Charles E. Hawkins, commented that there were in his opinion splendid class of settlers in the vicinity, but that they
had some difficulties to contend with at first, but they were industrious and persevering, and things have come their way. Many of the land owners here are among our depositors. In case any of them is in need of money at any time all that is necessary for them to do in order to get what they want is to let us know. We are glad to accommodate them. Mighty few of them want to borrow money, but there isn't one of them that cannot get what he wants and get it when he calls for it.
William Andross, who has been farming a
tract
of 153 acres one and a half miles above Toledo had 80 acres of tideland
under cultivation. This was sowed to hay and oats. Then 15 dairy cows
pastured
on the meadow and in addition to keeping them the land yielded 100 tons
of hay which was baled and sold for from $16 to $20 per ton. Business
arrangements
compelled Andross to sell. He got $10,000 for the place and three
months
later it again changed hands for $12,500 and is regarded as a bargain
at
that.
T. F. Cloninger is farming five acres of
bench land one mile east of Toledo. He came here a year ago from New
Mexico.
He paid $50 per acre for his land. He is raising potatoes, beans, peas,
strawberries, and other berries. He has three cows and finds ready sale
for the butter. He has pigs which are being fed on skim milk and
chickens
which are paying him $1 a piece. This will be Cloninger's first harvest
and he is confident it will be a paying one.
Ludwig Anderson, who has a 280 acre farm
four miles east of Toledo, had $700 when he came six years ago. He is
now
the owner of the land and the buildings and horses, beef cattle and
dairy
herd which nets him $7 a head per month. He raises oats, clover,
English
rye and wheat for hay for his stock and for sale. He has 40 acres in
hay
which yields four to four and a half tons an acre. He sells hay in the
stack for $10 a ton. On bottom land planted to potatoes he raises
between
400 to 500 bushels of potatoes which he sold during the spring of 1911
for 25 cents a pound. Anderson’s chickens keep pace with other fowls in
the neighborhood and his laying hens net him $1 each per year.
Carl F. Boeckmann (1858-1939) has an eight
acre farm just across the bay from Toledo. He has an acre and a half in
garden in which he raises cabbage, cauliflower, lettuce, peas, beans,
onions,
radishes, parsnips, beets, celery, asparagus, corn, squash,
strawberries
and blackberries. This little plat of ground more than pays for
expenses
of the home. In addition he has an orchard in which there are apples,
pears,
cherries and prunes. Another tract is devoted to potatoes and hay. The
most of the remainder of this farm is given over to the dairy herd,
bees
and chickens. The grounds surrounding the home are beautiful with
shrubbery
and flowers, and Boeckmann's wife has a profusion of lilies, daffodils,
hyacinths, tulips, narcissus, lilac and other blooms.
C. A. Hath who is farming a fractional 80
acre tract five miles from Toledo on the Yaquina River has nine acres
of
bottom land planted to hay and potatoes. He has five dairy cows which
will
net him $200 this year. He has 30 Plymouth Rock hens which will pay him
ten cents each above cost. He sold $28 worth of eggs from October
through
March. Hath is just getting acquainted. Hath is on leased land and will
purchase a tract as soon as he can be suited.
J. Jensen bought 500 acres of land when
he came here nine years ago. He found he had too much and sold 300
acres
of it. Jensen has 75 acres under cultivation. He raises clover and oats
which he cuts for hay. He has a dairy herd of eight cows which netted
him
$70 per head during 1910. He has a flock of 100 hens which net him $1
in
eggs besides the money he receives from the sales of poultry.
Isaac F. Hiser (1861-1922) had 60 acres
three miles south of Toledo, ten of which were under cultivation:
I raise hay and vegetables and have a small orchard. We milk seven cows and ship our cream. The cows net me about $2 a week per head. From 120 hens we cleared $115 in 1910 and in addition we sold $25 worth of chickens to the dealers.
In order that ocean going vessels may
load
and unload at the Toledo docks $50,000 had been voted to deepen the
channel
and permit the coming to Toledo of any vessel which can cross the bar
into
the bay. Jetties will also be constructed. This work is now underway.
For
the enlargement of the municipal water systems, $20,000 in bonds were
voted.
The system is to be in operation during the summer of 1911. A hard rock
surface road is being built from Toledo to Siletz. The money for this
purpose
was voted by the property owners in the districts traversed by the
roads.
There is abundance of good road building material here, and other
sections
will be helped by the county in highways construction. An ice making
plant
will be installed this year and two more mills are to be put in
operation
as soon as the channel is deepened.
Within a radius of a few miles of Toledo
there are between 15 billion to 20 billion board feet of merchantable
timber.
A logging railroad, the Olalla and Siletz rivers and Yaquina Bay make
the
delivery of logs at the mills both simple and inexpensive. The market
for
the finished product of the sawmill is found throughout the West and as
far east as the Missouri River. The Southern Pacific and allied lines
get
millions of ties from the mills on the bay. Cedar, maple, spruce and
red
and yellow fir are the principle varieties of timber grown here.
Additional
resources are referred to elsewhere.
Salmon fishing is engaged in by many during
the season. The canneries along the bay will take the entire product.
The
season lasts three months, during six weeks of which time, while the
salmon
are running, the seining is done. Two men with a boat and nets will
average
from $500 to $1,500 for the season. This is a source of revenue which
is
taken advantage of by many of the residents along the bay.
Though the word "farmer" connotes a male
image, women have farmed since the dawn of time—indeed, primitive women
doubtless preceded men as tillers of the soil, while males continued to
hunt for food rather than grow it. From the beginnings of the US, too,
women have worked on farms.
Early English colonists included women in
several aspects of agriculture, especially dairy and poultry
production.
From colonial times on, countless women worked as milkmaids; it was
they
who tended and milked billions of cows, strained the milk and separated
it from the cream, churned the butter, and made the cheese. It was
women
who hatched most chicks, fed and raised them, and then either gathered
and sold their eggs or butchered and cooked the roosters. For much of
US
history, the "butter and egg" income of farms was commonly dismissed as
the "pin money" of women—but for millions of families, it was often the
only cash income available.
In the Southern plantation economy, black
women worked in the fields along with black men, doing all the
exhausting
labor of planting, cultivating, and harvesting. Even after
emancipation,
the farm work done by black women saw little change, as an essentially
feudal system continued with sharecropping, and the agricultural labor
of women as well as men was essential to support families. While white
Southern women were less often seen in the fields, they too chopped and
picked cotton, and handled as well the work of henhouse and pigpen.
Moreover,
agricultural knowledge was assumed even among wealthy women, for they
often
acted as farm managers; the men who ranked as military and political
leaders
were as likely to be absent as not, and many women emulated Martha
Washington
(1732-1802), for example, in directing the agricultural systems that
they
called home.
When the great waves of immigration came
before and after the Civil War, other types of women also appeared.
Especially
among the Slavs of Eastern Europe, women commonly had histories as
virtual
beasts of burden in plowing and other laborious work. women from
Scandinavia
and Northwestern Europe did less heavy tasks, but they too were
accustomed
to farm work. Soon, however, immigrant women realized that non-colored
American women of this era were more closely confined to gardens and
farmyards,
and a sure sign of the assimilation of a prairie family was when its
women
no longer worked in the fields.
Nevertheless, women and especially girls
were called upon for harvesting corn and other emergency field work
until
mechanization diminished the labor necessary to large-scale farming.
Meanwhile,
women from Southern Europe developed truck farming traditions in
America;
on small farms near large cities, Italians especially specialized in
the
production of labor-intensive crops from artichokes to zucchini. Yet
while
women grew and even peddled these crops to American householders,
"farmer"
remained a term that somehow was exclusively male. That was the case,
too,
on the large farms out on the prairie, even though land claims clearly
record that homesteading women were not terribly unusual.
Farming remained an enterprise best
accomplished
by a couple whose divisions of labor came to be seen as natural, and
almost
every farmer sought a wife. She would be expected to work in and out of
the farmhouse from before dawn until after dark, with no money to count
as her own until the reform of married women's property rights. Even in
the 20th Century, women worked all their lives on farms without any
assurance
of ownership in those states that favored the inheritance rights of
sons
over the dower rights of widows. Yet many widows and other women who
found
themselves in possession of land without male partnership nonetheless
found
that they could successfully farm, for it was the work that they knew
best.
These women seldom sought recognition in their own right, however, and
even the labor emergencies of WWII that brought the women's land army
and
millions of other women into agriculture did little to diminish the
idea
that farmers were inherently male. Not until very recently have women
farmers
and ranchers finally begun to organize themselves.
The Grange Movement
The homestead law increased the tide of settlers. The improved farm machinery made it possible for him to go boldly out on to the prairie and to deal effectively with virgin soil in farms whose cultivated area made the old clearings of the backwoodsman seem mere garden plots. Two things resulted from these conditions, which profoundly modified pioneer ideals. In the first place the new form of colonization demanded an increasing use of capital; and the rapidity of the formation of towns, the speed with which society developed, made men the more eager to secure bank credit to deal with the new West. This made the pioneer more dependent on the eastern economic forces. In the second place the farmer became dependent as never before on transportation companies. In this speculative movement the railroads, finding that they had pressed too far in advance and had issued stock too freely for their earnings to justify the face of the investment, came into collision with the pioneer on the question of rates and discriminations. The Greenback and Grange movements were appeals to government to prevent what the pioneer thought to be invasions of pioneer democracy.
This Old House
If the old house at 1821 N. 4th Street,
Toledo,
Oregon, could tell its history, it would be colorful indeed. The lives
of two families, the Daniel Gradys and the Harold Bogerts (1892-1979),
would be traced from the late 1890s to today, with memories of a
growing
Toledo. Boat rides down Depot Slough, the Community Center, years of
civil
work for the Bogerts, changed with the coming of WWII, and the coming
of
Georgia-Pacific Corporation in 1957, and the raising of the two Bogert
children, Harold Bogert and Catherine Bogert Over, now of Tigard and
Park
Rose, respectively. The house was built some 80 years ago (1892) by
Daniel
M. Grady (1844-1925) for his wife, Catherine Graham (1852-1937),
daughter
of Rebecca Logan (1814-1871) and John Graham (1805-1883), Toledo
pioneers.
The couple had two children, one dying at infancy, and the other,
Eleanor
Grady Bogert, still making her home in the old house.
Located just west of the city center, the
house (built by R. F. Collamore) is white with a red roof. Distinctive
to the house is a "widow's walk" on the very top of the roof.
Eleanor and Harold (married December 21,
1924) explain that the wood for the home was brought on scows across
the
slough, and then carried to the structure site.
"This is not a frame house," says Bogert,
and upon close examination one notices boards two by ten inches were
either
stood up side by side or placed horizontally one on top of the other.
Square
nails were used in the construction, and bricks for the fireplace and
chimney
were made at Alanzo Dundon's Brick Yard, most recently the site of the
Texaco station, corner of old Highway 20 on the west side of town where
the Dairy Queen is now.
In the 50 years the Bogerts have been
married
and making their home on 4th Street, they have done remodeling to suit
their own needs.
The original plan called for an entry from
what is now the back of the house. A parlor was across the front with
three
bedrooms and a sitting room taking up the rest of the remaining
structure.
The old kitchen was at the present front
of the home facing 4th Street. About 40 years ago the Bogerts tore this
part down and divided the old parlor into a kitchen and bedroom.
Construction on the west side made for two
more modern bedrooms.
The basement has also been added.
Ceilings in the older portion of the home
are 11 feet high and some of the door frames are from the original
structure.
Like other homes built around the turn of
the century, a barn and a chicken coop and other small structures were
erected on the property.
Today the house has a complete bathroom,
but when first built the facilities were separated and off the old
kitchen
wing.
Throughout the house, Eleanor Bogert has
used antiques from her mother's home. Many of them she has had
restored,
and could add to the family memories of the old house on 4th Street.
This article reminded me of the "stories
my grandmother used to tell," so I arranged to visit Eleanor Bogert in
her fabled home, which heightened my historical consciousness of Toledo
immensely.
HER-story began nearly 200 years ago—a span
of time so great that it boggles the imagination to see a "living
connection"
to something so long past—that I felt the same "multidimensional merge"
with her that I had with Ray D'Autremont in 1970.
Although she must have told her-story a
thousand times or more before, Toledo's Matriarch and Memory
enthusiastically
began again, as though I were the fist to ask about her roots, sunk
deep
in the rich soil of local history:
Eleanor Grady Bogert: Toledo's Matriarch


Eleanor: My grandfather, John Graham
(1805-1883),
was Toledo's first settler. He was a native of County Donegal, Ireland.
Connie: Why did your grandfather leave
Ireland?
Eleanor: The Graham's were a notoriously
restless clan, so it is no wonder that Grandpa Graham should inherit
his
ancestors' dispositions and seek his fortune in some more favored
country.
In 1826, he set sail for America along with several members of his
family.
He first settled in Ohio, where he lived for 29 years.
Connie: What did John Graham do the years
he lived in Ohio?
Eleanor: Grandpa was a contractor; he built
railroads and stone houses in Ohio. His two brothers were doctors. One
brother was my uncle William.
Connie: And then he moved West?
Eleanor: Not directly. In 1855, he moved
with his family to Kansas. While he was there he took an active part in
defending that free state from the depredations of the Missouri Raiders
of 1856-1857.
Connie: The Missouri Raiders? Did he know
John
Brown (1800-1859)?
Eleanor: My grandfather was often brought
in contact with that celebrated abolitionist, John Brown, also known as
"Old Brown of Osawatomie." From 1849 on, Brown was obsessed with the
idea
of abolishing slavery by force and joined antislavery forces in Kansas
in 1855. In 1856 he made his stand at the Kansas border town of
Osawatomie
against the raid by proslavery adherents from Missouri.
Connie: Didn't Brown come up with a plan
for establishing a new state as a refuge for blacks and a base of
operations
for freeing slaves?
Eleanor: That right. And he got his
financial
aid for the plan from Massachusetts abolitionists. With a couple dozen
followers he seized Harper's Ferry, Virginia, and the government
arsenal
there.
Connie: And wasn’t he overpowered and
convicted
for treason?
Eleanor: And hanged! John Brown was regarded
by Northern sympathizers as a martyr, and was commemorated in the
marching
song, "John Brown's Body."
Connie: Did the Grahams leave for Oregon
after their tumultuous stay in Kansas?
Eleanor: After nine years, Grandma and
Grandpa
were convinced that Kansas was not a farmer's paradise, so in 1864,
they
sold most of their property, and with their nine children, started one
team of five yoke of oxen, one four-mule team and one two-horse hack
and
drove 80 head of cattle to cross the Plains to Oregon. They lived in
Eastern
Oregon a short time before moving to Corvallis.
Connie: When did they move to Lincoln County?
Eleanor: 1867, Grandpa moved to Yaquina
Bay, and took charge of the land where the town of Toledo now stands.
In
the early days Grandpa built the residence where my aunts used to live.
He remained in Toledo until his death, February 16, 1883.
Connie: You mentioned your aunts. Did you
have any uncles?
Eleanor: Catherine and John Graham's only
son, Joseph
D. Graham, was born in Carroll County, Ohio, February 1, 1847.
Actually, Uncle Joe was Toledo's first
settler.
He and a family friend, Bill Mackey, came over from Corvallis to settle
here, and carried their provisions across the mountains with them.
Their outfit consisted of a team of horses
and a wagon with a rowboat for a bed. Their supplies were stacked
inside
the boat.
At Nortons, which was at that time the end
of the wagon road, Bill and Uncle Joe left their team, and launched the
boat after cutting brush away from the banks of the river.
After many weary hours of travel, they
arrived
at this location later known as Toledo.
Mackey filed on the claim on the south side
of the Yaquina River, and it was called Mackey's Point. Uncle Joe took
Graham's Landing, where Toledo is now located, but because he was only
20 years old at the time, he was unable to hold the claim himself.
Connie: Did he loose his land?
Eleanor: No. My grandfather, John Graham,
came over and took charge of the claim for him, so it stayed in the
Graham
family.
A year later, though, Uncle Joe took the
claim west of Grandpa's. The Pacific Spruce Corporation was on a
portion
of Uncle Joe's second claim.
For a number of years, Uncle Joe ran a
mercantile
business in Toledo, and during that time he served as postmaster. In
1885,
he owned 160 acres of land adjoining the town on which he lived, was
married
and had two sons, William and John.
But when Bill Mackey and Joe Graham first
came here, there was nothing but mountains covered with old burnt
snags,
and the tidelands were covered with tules, and had many dangerous tide
holes into which a person might accidentally fall without warning.
Connie: It all sounds like very gray
beginnings
to me. How did they survive to tell the tale?
Eleanor: Well, they endured a great many
hardships that first winter. Graham and Mackey lived the cooking on an
open fireplace.
Mackey and Uncle Joe were cut off from the
outside world, because there were no roads.
The Indians were reportedly very restless;
they were being collected—most from Southern Oregon—and put on the Siletz
Reservation.
Connie: Were Mackey and Graham frightened
by the restlessness of the Indians?
Eleanor: Oh yes! On the Mackey side of the
Yaquina, Grandpa and Bill built the Pioneer Blockhouse across from
Butler
Bridge to protect themselves from the Indians that were supposed to get
"less-than-friendly" at any moment. Not amounting to much more than a
cave,
the blockhouse is located just above Georgia-Pacific Corporation.
You've
probably seen the historical marker on your way to the Big Elk Valley
Valley.
Connie: I have, but I want to hear this
stuff directly from you; it's your story.
Eleanor: Well, it's slightly to the right
as you start up the hill. Judge Skelton's house is about the place
where
it was located.
The settlers got word that the Indians were
going to attack. The threat, however, was a false alarm, but John
Graham
and Bill Mackey, along with their families, crossed the river in boats,
and stayed in the blockhouse all night long, but—like I said—there was
no attack, so the cold, weary band headed home.
It was pretty bad. Some folks got sick
staying
over there in the cold, waiting anxiously for an attack that didn't
come.
Connie: What happened after that?
Eleanor: In the spring, Uncle Joe and Aunt
Addie Maxfield build a large ornate house where National Security
Bank's
parking lot is now.
Grandpa's first home, where the old National
Bank was located, had 16 rooms, and was used for a hotel when the
railroad
was being built.
After it was completed, Grandpa moved the
rest of the family over from Corvallis.
Then the railroad company came around and
asked my grandfather,
"What are you going to name this place?"
"Let the boy name it," he said.
"I'm homesick for Ohio; we'll call this
place Toledo," Uncle Joe replied. Or so the story goes.
Because the railroad was about to put up
a depot, the settlement had to have a name right away.
Connie: Did the post office open at that
time too?
Eleanor: Yes. The Toledo post office was
established on July 14, 1868. Bill Mackey was the first postmaster.
Mail
for the tiny community came in by boat from Elk City.
Connie: When did your dad migrate West?
Eleanor: My father, Daniel Grady, arrived
in Toledo around 1868 or 1869.
As I said before, on those border
states—like
Kansas and Ohio—the fighting between North and South was getting so bad
that it was actually the Civil War itself that hastened people to move
West. The war between the states—and free land! Everybody wanted land,
and my dad was no exception.
Connie: Did your dad fight in the Civil
War?

Eleanor: Yes. He mustered into the Civil
War when he was but a lad of 14. He mustered out and migrated to San
Francisco
to earn his livelihood before moving to Oregon.
Connie: What was his occupation here in
the states?
Eleanor: He was a powder monkey; he did
a good deal of blasting in the US and Canada.
Connie: Tell me about the railroad.
Eleanor: The Oregon Pacific, which became
Southern Pacific, was built from both ends, and was connected somewhere
in Blodgett's Valley. At that time, the train made connections with
boats
at Yaquina, and the passengers and freight could be taken north or
south
on the boats twice a week.
About the time the railroad came—in
1881—Father
migrated to Toledo, and was at one time foreman at the Pioneer Rock
Quarry
near Elk City, which was also called the Dixon Rock Quarry.
Like Grandpa Graham, my father was also
a builder. He and another fellow built the first Catholic church Toledo
around 1914.
Connie: Your dad wandered around quite a
bit in his youth, it seems. What made him decide to settle down in
Toledo?
Eleanor: Dad liked this area because it
was so much like Ireland. That was the main reason.
Connie: When did your folks get together?
Eleanor: My father and mother, Catherine
Graham, met and married in Toledo, where they built the house Harold
and
I lived in for years.
Connie: When were you born?
Eleanor: I was born in 1894, the year after
Lincoln County was formed from a part of Benton County
Connie: Do you know why the county split
in two?
Eleanor: Yes I do. The western region is
separated from the eastern region by mountains, as you probably know,
and
the people were being taxed while receiving no benefits from it.
Connie: Who initiated the effort to create
two counties out of one?
Eleanor: The fight to form Lincoln County
was led by C. B. Crosno. Toledo was selected for the county seat
because
it was the most centrally located town. I have some information here on
a piece of paper:
The first court was held in a hall which
became known as Gust Olson's Barn. When the county accumulated a big
enough
purse, a new court house was built in 1899.
The cornerstone of the new courthouse was
laid July 4, 1899, on land that was deeded from settlers. The deed, it
says here, was signed by Alice Logan (1870-1926) and Lester Waugh, Eva
I. Hall (1864-1953) and Albert T. (1859-1943), Anetta and Otto O.
Krogstad,
Ella F. (1868-1964) and J. F. Stewart (1865-1917), Elese Anderson
(1861-1933)
and John Ofstedahl (1860-1905), and Emily and Moses Gregson. It stated
that
If Lincoln County shall ever cease to occupy and use said property for courthouse purposes that said property shall revert to the above mentioned grantors.
It even lists the county officers in
1899:
the judge was J. F. Stewart; the commissioners were F. A. Goodwin and
William
R. Wakefield (1834-1912) , the sheriff was James Hale Ross (1856-1935);
the clerk was John Hurley Lutz; treasurer was John Lewis Hyde
(1822-1907);
the assessor was F. M. Wadsworth; the school superintendent was George
Bethers; and the coroner was R. E. Darnell.
Connie: Where was John Graham's
"hotel-sized"
house located?
Eleanor: Grandpa's house was located on
Hill Street (Main Street) where the railroad tracks come together now.
It faces the Yaquina River where the flower garden is now.
Grandpa was getting to be quite an old man
then, but I remember a story he told me.
The railroad was scheduled to go right
through
his place, and when they came to punch it through, the company men told
him,
"Mr. Graham, we'll build you a depot right
here."
"Oh no! You won't build it for me. Maybe
I could use it, but you'll build yourselves a depot!"
Connie: That's a good one! Did the town
expand after the railroad came?
Eleanor: After the railroad came, more
people
migrated to the Toledo area. The Grahams and Mackeys sold off parts of
their homesteads and started building commercially.
Grandpa would not sell land to anyone on
which to locate a saloon, so some men who were following along with the
railroad construction crew anchored a scow in the river and built a
saloon
on it!
It was considered government property, so
that was technically all right. But that's what grandfather wanted—to
have
the drunks away from the center of town.
Connie: Did he have religious reasons for
wanting Toledo to remain dry?
Eleanor: He was Episcopalian—and wasn't
opposed to drinking. He thought too many drunks in town was not good to
live with.
My grandfather told me a story about the
saloon on the scow.
One night, some of the boys went out there
and put a board over the chimney and smoked the railroad crew out! I
thought
that was kind of funny!
Connie: But I bet those men didn't think
it was funny.
Eleanor: Probably not! Later on, though,
my grandfather made a will which contained a provision forbidding the
building
of saloons in Toledo, but after some years, different sections of the
land
were sold, and the new owners filed to comply with his wishes.
Connie: When did your folks build a home?
Eleanor: After father and mother married,
they built a barn first, and lived in it until they got a house built.
This was mother's section of land. All of John Graham's daughters—as
well
as his son—got a section of land to call their own.
Connie: I heard Run Bottom was named after
one of your aunts. Is that true?
Eleanor: My Aunt Lizzie Graham's (1835-1913)
homestead was located at what is now called Run Bottom. Over the years,
it has had different names: Rum Bottom, Bum Bottom and even Lizzie's
Bottom!—after
my aunt.
Connie: Why did your folks choose this
particular
site to build their house?
Eleanor: Houses were built on the side of
the hill in the olden days, and that's how this one was built. You had
to start digging a basement where you could stand up and take the dirt
out with wheelbarrows. Then you could put down concrete blocks and
raise
the house up with jacks and bring it down on the concrete.
Connie: That sounds like a tedious process
to me.
Eleanor: People back then thought so too,
so not many houses were built with basements first; most people,
including
us, put them in afterwards, because it was a much simpler process.
Connie: This house is unique in construction
from top to bottom, just like the Leader article says.
Eleanor: That's right. To start with, the
roof comes up on four sides and is flat on top. There was a wooden
house—like
a pagoda—on top at one time. It finally rotten away, so Harold and I
put
up the widow's walk. It was strictly for looks on our house, but in the
South, they really had them on those old plantation houses so they
could
go up there and see what was going on around your farm.
Connie: It sounds like some kind of a
look-out
tower.
Eleanor: Yes, that's what it is. When they
were close to the river, they'd group there and see if any of their
boats
were coming in. I'm sure they must have had a way to get to it from the
side of the house or something, but we never did. In fact, we had to
take
a stepladder up there in order to paint ours.
Connie: How did the early settlers get
provisions—like
food and supplies? How'd they make a living?
Eleanor: Farmers raised potatoes at times
for export to San Francisco, as there was quite an interdependent
relationship
between the two ports.
In fact, it was quite a thing to pick up
your cargo from San Francisco at Yaquina Bay Harbor.
Of course, I was very small, but I know
my family ordered groceries—like sugar and flour—and soap and all those
kinds of things that were hard-to-get items.
Connie: So, when the boat came in, you'd
pick up your order?
Eleanor: Exactly. And of course, the
railroad
was serving the same function.
Then too, the first settlers raised some
of their own food.
There's a cute little story about Edwin
A. Swan who was the first Indian agent in the area, and supposedly got
along very well with the Indians.
Swan told us how the settlers tried to make
farmers out of the Indians!
Connie: Considering that's not their
culture,
how did he do that?
Eleanor: Well, he didn't. West Coast Indians
had not been tillers of the soil except as harvesters of woca, wapato,
camas and other edible roots. In later years they saw vegetables being
cultivated in the gardens of the settlers. Potatoes especially
intrigued
them. In fact, a battle had been fought over potatoes during the Rogue
Wars. The Indian knowledge of gardening was hazy however, and when the
reservation farmer had them plant potatoes on some flat land, they dug
up and ate their first potato crop before it was mature.
Connie: That’s not all that shocking. The
same kind of thing is happening with seed corn and wheat right now when
the US sends grain for crops to Third World countries. The people are
starving
so they eat the grain.
Eleanor: Besides planting their own crops,
the settlers had cattle. My grandfather brought the dairy industry
here.
He grew hay and roots for his herd and fed them chopped up beets and
carrots
mixed with their feed.
You see, Connie, money makes money! My
folks were thrifty people, and always seemed to have it.
Connie: A penny saved is a penny earned!
That's a lesson we could all learn from.
You talk about people coming and going in
the course of their daily lives. Basically, how did they get around?
Eleanor: Oh, every-which-way. But for the
most part, the slough was the main street to start with. So people
would
go to town by boat to get supplies. They'd take a little hand dolly and
wheel their bundles down the ramp from the waterfront onto the float
and
load their boats. If a person really wanted to, they could jump out the
back window of the store into the river!
Then some people, like Ralph Savage, who
carried the mail to Siletz, got around with a horse team, and by the
1920s
people had cars.
But you'd only see cars in the summertime,
because of the mud roads.
I remember well. We'd go to Corvallis and
there'd be a few cars on the streets. We just stared at them and
thought
all about it.
Connie: Do you remember who brought the
first car to Toledo?
Eleanor: One of the first men in Toledo
to have a car was Clarence Ofstedahl (1885-1954) the son of Elese and
John
Ofstedahl, who was Norwegian like so many of the settlers who came here
together from the old country. Krogstads. Ofstedahls. Ramstedts.
Christersons.
Langheis. Braddisons. All Norwegians. Basically all farmers.
Scandinavian settlers loved living on the
rivers and sloughs, because it reminded them of their nordic origins.
They
were Lutherans, and a group them living on Olalla Slough had dinner
together
regularly after church.
Ofstedahl was a professional man who owned
a building on Hill Street. He seemed to have money to develop
things—and
buy a car!
Connie: How were the roads kept up in the
early days?
Eleanor: In the 1890s, the roads were graded
with horses and a grader of sorts. A horse pulled it and scraped the
dirt
up into a pile.
It was just about during WWI when they
decided
it was time to pave Hill Street. It was terrible. Mud, mud, mud! A
person
always wore overshoes on the crosswalks. If you slipped off, you’d lose
your rubbers. Then you had real trouble.
That was during the winter. During the
summer,
the streets were dusty. Like I said earlier, cars could be driven
during
the summertime, but the dust was almost as hard to take as the mud was
during the wintertime.
At one time, Hill Street was planked. The
sawmills—even Guy Roberts—sawed planks for some of the wooden
sidewalks.
They used to have planks on the port dock, which they don't any more.
Now,
it would cost too much money. But the material on hand at the time you
are in need is what you use, and lumber was less expensive then than it
is today. The main drawback to plank sidewalks was that there were lots
of slivery boards to have to watch for.
So walking—that almost forgotten art—was
another way to get around.
My dad told me stories of crossing Mill
Creek on the ice. The water there must have less salt than the bay does
in order for it to have frozen up like that. That happened when he was
there coring logs.
Connie: What were some of the businesses
that cropped up on the Waterfront?
Eleanor: One of the earliest stores in
Toledo,
Drug & Groceries, was located where Toledo Cleaners is now. It was
owned by Thomas Fish (1847-1928). His wife, Ida Dundon (1876-1889),
died
in March of 1889 during childbirth. The store burned to the ground in
1900,
and was uninsured. Fish rebuilt and opened a feed store. His second
wife,
Jennie (1852-1919), added a millinery department.
A woman by the name of Ms. Bowman had a
combination millinery and hardware store.
I don't know why, Connie, but millinery
and hardware goods seemed to go together, because Rosemary and George
Schenk
also had that particular combination.
Connie: Hats? Why do you suppose there was
such a great demand for hats?
Eleanor: It was fashionable in those
days—the
joy of many Toledo girls. I think each generation has its own idea of
what
is wanted or needed in the way of clothing.
Connie: What were some of the other
businesses
in early Toledo?
Eleanor: Dundons arrived in this area in
1866-1867. Their home and brick yard are close to the present junction
to Siletz and Dundon Bridge. The bricks from Alonzo Dundon's Brickyard
made fine chimneys and fireplaces.
Dr. Burgess had an office on the left side
of the Ofstedahl Building upstairs.
Uncle Joe had a general mercantile down
on the waterfront for a while. Then he moved to Portland and moved back
to Kings Valley to live, because my family had a farm there, where we
raised
cattle, turkeys and grain. Uncle Joe died there on April 5, 1914. Henry
Lewis was also one of the early merchants.
Ralph Van Cleve, the son of Coll Van Cleve,
worked for Henry Lewis for a while, and then started his own grocery
store
where the Timbers Restaurant is today.
The first creamery, run by Ida Sherwood
(1857-1919) and Sam Center (1847-1919), was down on the port dock.
Because everyone in town had a few
cows—mostly
Jersey and Guernsey—folks would skim the cream off and give the skim
milk
to the hogs.
My dad bought a Daisy cream separator. That
was an awful thing because it had to be washed twice a day. If you
didn’t
clean it, the smell was terrible. Then, we had to churn butter, and
things
like that.
Connie: I recall watching my Grandma Smith,
churn butter on her farm in Grants Pass. To my great surprise, the
butter was
white—not yellow the way it comes in the store!
Eleanor: There used to be a tannery down
on the port dock. They made leather and sold it. Exported a lot too.
Most
of it was cow hides, but I suppose there were some wild animal hides
down
there as well. It was there several years and I remember it didn't
smell
very good. Really, it wasn't a good combination to have a tannery and a
creamery in the same part of the country!
Connie: I agree with you. Del and I took
Heather and Hilary to a couple of tanneries to have his hunting
trophies
tended to, and I don't suppose I’ll ever forget the stench.
Eleanor: I'm so glad you can relate to the
kinds of things that are now relics from my generation, Connie. That's
refreshing.
Speaking of refreshments, Annie Peterson
(1878-1951) and Rasmus Andersen (1874-1955) had an ice cream parlor
down
town. Andersen, was a farmer and railroad laborer until 1904, and
established
Andersen's Boat Works on the port dock in Toledo in 1905.
Leese & Scarth build the Lincoln County
Bank in 1905, where Western Auto is.
Charles Gardner (1855-1920) owned a hardware
store in the building up the street from the Masonic Building. He later
sold it to Albert Peterson (1859-1943), who owned Peterson Garage and
Peterson
Hotel, and later built the Lincoln Hotel. In 1943, T. S. Stansbie
bought
the Lincoln Hotel, and in 1947, the hotel executive was mayor of Toledo.
The first courthouse, which was built in
1899, was where the Ross Theater is now. Later on, they built the one
where
the Elks Club is.
There were a number of hotels—the
Commercial,
the Ellsworth, built by C. R. Ellsworth (1838-1922)—some of which I
have
forgotten.
There was one hotel down the hill where
the post office is now. Johnny Blake and my Aunt Elizabeth Graham,
built
that one, because of the heavy railroad traffic.
When that slowed down, they sold the
building
to Valentine Thiel, who got mad at Toledo and tore the thing down.
Connie: Why on earth was he mad at Toledo?
Eleanor: I don't recall what it was all
about, but he built two shanty-looking rentals on that site that stood
there for years. They had to be torn down to build the present post
office
on First Street.
Connie: Did Toledo have a movie theater
in the early days?
Eleanor: Yes, we had the Dime, which was
owned by Ethel Parrish (1885-1972) and James Ross (1856-1935). Jim was
a plain clothes detective. The family originally came here in 1915
during
the World's Fair in San Francisco. Jim was on duty as a detective
during
the fair, then walked from San Francisco to Salem. After he rested up,
I suppose, he came to Toledo and ran for sheriff. Beginning around
1898,
Jim Ross served for six consecutive terms as sheriff of Lincoln County.
He was a Lincoln County officer when the courthouse was built in 1899.
Connie: That boggles my mind! I can't
imagine
Jim Ross walking from San Francisco to Salem—all in a day's work! I'm
struck
hard by the realization that what people accepted as the natural course
of daily living 100 years ago would be considered a hardship or state
of
emergency—worthy of TV coverage—for us "softiers" today.
Eleanor: People were hardier then, I
suppose.
They just did whatever they needed to do to survive.
Connie: It was the era of silent films.
What kind of equipment did the Dime have?
Eleanor: The theater was then equipped with
a single one-reel projector. When the reel came to an end, patrons had
to wait patiently on the theater's unpainted wood chairs for the reels
to be switched and threaded through the projector, which was
hand-cranked.
It was the practice of Jim or his son Jack (1891-1944) to turn the
crank
in time with a whistled tune. In the days of the Dime, movies were
silent
and the theater's piano provided the soundtrack.
Connie: Did sheet music come with each film?
Eleanor: No. There wasn't specific music
to go with each film. Jim's daughter, Verne Ross (1886-1969) just
improvised
the music that was needed.
Connie: For instance...?
Eleanor: Well, for instance, if there were
horses galloping after a stage coach, Verne would play a little "horse"
music, and if the Indians were dashing over the hill, she'd play a
little
"Indian" music. See what I mean? The pianist just played according to
what
came on the screen. Verne didn’t review the films ahead of time,
either.
She just had to be alert and have a little imagination.
Connie: Did the Dime have on stage half-time
entertainment—the kind I've heard about, but am still too young to ever
have seen?
Eleanor: Oh yes! That old theater had on
stage entertainment put on by a local group who "blacked up" and played
banjo and sang. Pretty good, too, for home talent. And when it came
time
for the "illustrated song," Verne would leave the box office and thump
her heels down the aisle to the piano in front and play the tune while
the audience sang the words thrown on the screen. She also played the
piano
for the films.
The Dime was definitely a family business.
Jim's granddaughter, Vernie Hansen (1924-1999), went to work for the
theater
when she all but ten years old.
Connie: How much did it cost to see a film
at the Dime?
Eleanor: A dime, of course! That’s how the
theater got its name. For just ten cents we could take in all the
drama,
romance and glitz Hollywood had to offer.
Connie: These days it costs $6 or $8 to
see a single feature movie.
Eleanor: In the early days, a dime, for
instance, might buy a handful of penny candy or an hour on the parking
meter. Now you're lucky to get one piece of candy or three minutes on a
meter for your ten cents.
Connie: When did the Ross family build their
new theater?
Eleanor: The Dime came to an end around
1927 when the Ross theater was constructed on the site of a Main Street
stable. Initially, the old chairs from the Dime were reinstalled at the
Ross. Verne owned this operation for more than 50 years. And like her
father,
she hired Vernie Hansen to work at the theater. Verne once said that
"the
Ross was basically a woman's business." Her aunt ran the snack bar.
Connie: What were some of the other downtown
businesses in Toledo during the era of the Dime?
Eleanor: Right next door to the Dime was
Al's Smokehouse. In the 1920s, he used to run an ad in the paper
proclaiming
it was the place to "eat, drink and be merry." On the other side of the
Dime was Farrington's general merchandise store, which because of its
pricing
was commonly called a dime store.
Al Waugh (1862-1935) and Fred Williamson's
father-in-law started a saloon, but during Prohibition—between 1920 and
1933—the saloon suffered, so they turned it into a billiard hall.
Krogstad's Drugstore—one of the first in
the area—was on Main Street, as well as Ofstedahl's Dry Goods Store,
which
was where the Methodist Thrift Shop is now.
There was also Toledo Livery & Feed
Stable, which was where the Ford Garage was later located, and where
the
Hendricks last had a grocery store; Al's Smoke House; The Kandle
Kitchen,
which sold candles, fruits and nuts; the telegraph office; a rooming
house;
McCormick Machine & Twine; C. G. Copeland Company, that dealt in
general
merchandise; and man, many more I can't remember.
Connie: Even if the list of commercial shops
was considerably longer, this abbreviated look at downtown historic
Toledo
is enough to give me the impression that it was a busy, thriving place.
Eleanor: However, it was the large timber
resources that really made Toledo sing—then and now.
Connie: Do you recall any of the early
sawmills?
Eleanor: The first sawmill was built at
Caledonia, which is now the southern part of Toledo. It was Moses
Gregson’s
Sawmill, the Fir & Spruce Company, built in 1888, and was located
on
the banks of Depot Slough.
The Fir & Spruce became the
Fischer-Story
Sawmill which burned to the ground June 17, 1919. The direction of the
wind changed, and saved the town from the same fate. The plywood mill,
which now closed, was built on that same spot.
Edna (1879-1938) and Oliver R. Altree
(1869-1932)
had a sawmill where the shingle mill is. It also burned down. They were
making furniture from fir and alder, which is softer than mahogany, and
had a beautiful grain. A few years later, the Guy Roberts Lumber Mill
was
built.
Connie: When did Guy Roberts moved to this
area?
Eleanor: It was in the spring of 1918. Guy
Roberts, with his crew and families, moved the mill from Alpine to
Toledo.
They started sawing lumber in July of that same year.
Guy bought his first logs from farmers in
the Big Elk Valley, who were more than glad to get cash for their
timber.
The logs were floated to the mill out of very small creeks on high
water.
Del can tell you more about that; the Hodges' were among those farmers
selling logs.
Connie: Yes, I'm very much aware that G.
A. Hodges built the mill at Elk City as well as several others.
Do you know anything about the famous Spruce
Division?
Eleanor: Oh yes. During WWI, the US
government
erected the largest spruce mill in the world in Toledo. The soldiers
came
in around 1918 and put up rows and rows of tents for their quarters,
where
Georgia-Pacific Corporation is now.
Connie: When did C. D. Johnson own the mill?
Eleanor: In 1922, following the war, C.
D. Johnson Lumber Company acquired the operation from the
government.
Georgia-Pacific came to Oregon in 1946,
when it opened a small buying office in Portland. The Pulp & Paper
Division started in 1957. That was about the time Del was finishing up
at Toledo High School, I would suppose, and was on his way to Oregon
State
University to become the famous artist he is now!
Eleanor: The fishing industry was also
important
to the local economy when I was a girl.
Salmon fishing was engaged in by many
families.
The canneries along the bay bought the entire product. The season
lasted
only three months. The seining was done during a six weeks period of
time
while the salmon were running.
Connie: How much money could a salmon
fisherman
make during a season?
Eleanor: Two men with a boat and nets could
make something like $500 to $1,500 for the season. This was an
important
source of income which was taken advantage of by many folks along the
bay.
Connie: With so many folks out fishing for
a living, the boat building business must have been big in Toledo.
Eleanor: It was. The Andersen family made
boats. The first Andersen Boat Works was built in 1912, and was located
a mile up the Yaquina River. R. A. Andersen built several boats there,
then decided he needed a bigger building, and moved his entire
operation
to Toledo, around 1917, I believe it was.
The Altree family also had a shipyard as
well as a sawmill. O. R. Altree built a boat called the Ella May. It
was
a beautiful boat, but he didn't have it very long before it burned up
in
an explosion. He also built a number of barges, and a diesel ferry
named
the Sadie B.
Connie: And of course Del's granddad, G.
A. Hodges, built the launch Ethel in the shop over the Hodges' mill
site
between 1911 and 1912, and it made its first run in 1912. It was 22
feet
long and seven feet wide, and carried ten or 12 passengers. It had a
four-horse
Miamias engine with a make and break ignition, according to an article
I read about Del's uncle Allen Hodges in the October 5, 1983 issue of
The
Bulletin. It made two trips a week between Elk City and Newport.
Eleanor: There were a number of wrecks,
as I recall. With everyone traveling by boat then the way we do by car
these days, the slough was crowded, and a number of boats were wrecked.
The Willusky was wrecked, as was the T. M. Richardson, on the bay in
Newport.
Connie: Do you recall any Fourth of July
celebrations in Toledo?
Eleanor: Oh yes. In the summertime, people
would come from all over by train and boat to celebrate the Fourth of
July.
It was a big holiday then, like Christmas is now.
I remember our family would get the kids
in the back of our wagon and ride to Newport for the celebration. We'd
take a lunch and tie our horses up.
The celebration would last a full three
days, as I recall.
The big dance was on the eve before the
Fourth of July. The Indians would come over from Siletz and perform the
Feather Dance, which everyone enjoyed. The fireworks were on the eve of
the Fourth, just like today. These celebrations were very important to
people who seldom got to visit with old friends. After everyone had a
wonderful
time, folks would go home some time on the 5th.
Connie: Considering Toledo was the county
seat at the time, was the celebration ever held here?
Eleanor: Yes, it was held here while Toledo
was the Lincoln County
Fair.
Connie: Did the early inhabitants of Toledo
like to read; they have a library? I’m curious since information
sources
are always at the top of my life when I go anywhere or do anything.
Eleanor: Well, they did have a library of
sorts. The first library was no more than a box of about 100 books
loaned
to the city by the state library in Salem. Mary L. Swearingen
(1866-1941)
served as the librarian and kept the books in her home.
Also, there was a Women's Civic League that
collected books and donated their time as librarians on Saturdays.
Eventually, Dr. F. M. Hellworth donated
a building for library use. It was the Toledo Public Library until the
new one down on Rum Bottom was built.
Connie: I notice there aren't any buildings
on the waterfront now—just a parking lot. What happened to all those
fine
buildings I've seen pictures of?
Eleanor: Around 1937, the buildings on the
waterfront burned to the ground.
The Fire Department needed to have a drill,
and deliberately set fire to a building. The hydrant was rusted stuck,
or some such thing, and the fire got away from them.
Connie: You mean they meant to do a practice
on one building—and wiped out the entire Waterfront—along with Toledo's
early history?
Eleanor: That's exactly what I mean. And
there was no insurance on any of the buildings owned by my family. The
buildings were old, to be sure, but all of them were occupied with
current
businesses, and they went up in smoke just like that!
Connie: Did the Grahams find that pretty
hard to take—to watch their heritage so to speak—go up in flames?
Eleanor: Well, lots of stories run wild
when things like that happen. Some folks thought there might have been
ulterior motives for removing the waterfront, but I personally doubt
it.
Like I said, the buildings were all very old.
Connie: I was thumbing through the 1910
edition of the Blue & Gold, Toledo High School's annual paper, and
noticed you were enrolled as a part time freshman taking history,
literature
and bookkeeping. Can you tell me about your education as a youngster in
Toledo?
Eleanor: Sure. I attended my primary grades
right where Mary Harrison (1876-1948) Elementary School is now. It was
a small board and batten building with grades one through three.
On the same grounds there was another
building
for grades four through eight, and when you were ready for high school,
you went to the building on top of the hill.
I remember when they built the new high
school; it was somewhere around 1910. I think it only cost $10,000;
that
was a lot of money in those days.
Everybody said it wouldn't stand; it would
blow down. It just wasn’t a safe building for kids to be in.
Connie: Did that turn out to be true?
Eleanor: No! They had to tear it down to
get rid of it, and that was just a few years ago. That shows you just
how
stout it really was.
Connie: Did you marry Harold Bogert
(1892-1979)
right after high school?
Eleanor: No. I was Toledo's first telephone
operator in the early 1900s. That was an on again off again situation,
covering many years, but I finally advanced to chief operations manager.
Connie: Do you recall when Toledo first
got telephone service?
Eleanor: No, not exactly, but it was a time
when folks still used cascara bark for money and shot wild geese from
the
back porch.
Connie: You say you were Toledo's first
telephone operator. How long did that last?
Eleanor: Eventually the phone system grew
to employ two operators and eventually became known as the Yaquina Bay
Light and Telephone Company. When I went to work as an operator, I
quickly
discovered Toledo customers were accustomed to good service "with a
smile."
If a call came in for a customer who wasn't home, I was obliged to
track
him down by calling all the businesses in town. If that did not work, I
went out looking for him on Main Street. Upon returning to the
switchboard,
I checked whether any calls came in while I was away and if so, I had
to
start phoning everyone until I found out who placed the unanswered call
and what he wanted.
Connie: I can't imagine that kind of
service.
Operators today will hardly give you the time of day!
Eleanor: And that wasn't all of it. Toledo
operators also picked up the mail for their customers who were unable
to
get to the post office before it closed for the evening. They also took
care of packages for everyone.
Connie: You picked up the packages too?
What kind of stuff was being sent through the mail?
Eleanor: Just about everything you can think
of. I recall a couple of the oddest parcels I picked up; an incubator
and
a shipment of whiskey.
Connie: Where was the switchboard located?
Eleanor: The first switchboard was housed
in Krogstad's drugstore. When a phone call came in, every phone in town
rang. Customers were to pick up the phone only when they recognized
their
own ring pattern, such as a long and a short ring.
Connie: That doesn’t sound very private.
Eleanor: It wasn’t. Every line was like
a community picnic. Your neighbors knew everything you did and
telephone
bells jingled merrily all day long.
Connie: I assumed Toledo's phone system
improved over time and you didn't have to chase people down any more.
Eleanor: That's right. Around 1916, Toledo's
phone system experienced growth and the company upgraded accordingly.
Long-distance
service improved when a copper circuit was strung to Corvallis. In
1918,
the arrival of the Army Spruce Division soldiers and the construction
of
a big mill necessitated a larger and more efficient phone system. After
the war, things slowed considerably at the switchboard until work
resumed
on the big sawmill.
Then when the C. D. Johnson Company
purchased
the mill, Toledo experienced another wave of activity. People wanted to
talk again and they wanted to talk bad.
Connie: How many telephone customers did
Toledo have at that time?
Eleanor: In 1923 article, Toledo had about
200 telephones in use. The switchboard had been relocated to the
Lincoln
Hotel, where four operators were needed to maintain the spread of
information—and
gossip.
Since my switchboard days, automation has
replaced most of the nation's operators.
Connie: That’s true, but the phone company
has yet to devise a computerized operator that will pick up your
package
at the post office—or track you down when you're not at home!
It sounds like you were a very busy woman.
When did you and Harold find time to get married?
Eleanor: Harold and I got married in 1924.
I didn't work for a while as a new bride, and again when I was off with
my two small children, Harold and Catherine.
Connie: So, you managed the telephone
office.
What kind of work did Harold do?
Eleanor: Harold was a garage man. He and
the Grahams opened a Chevrolet/Oldsmobile garage where S & K
Automotive
is now. That was in 1923.
Connie: What was service like for cars in
those days?
Eleanor: Much like today. Maybe even better!
About that same time, in 1924, Harry L.
Jacobson (1887-1964) built a Standard Station which is still standing.
It might have been the first one in the area with restrooms. Lloyd
Carver
took it over in 1953, and is still there.
Connie: My conversation with Eleanor began
in 1805 with the birth of her grandfather, John Graham (1805-1883), at
a time in history so remote that horseback was the standard mode of
transportation,
and the automobile wasn’t even dreamed of, and ended in 1953 with talk
about cars, mechanics, and service stations!
An article entitled "This Is Our Home"
summarizes
the experience I had with Toledo's Matriarch:
There was a time before our society became so mobile and nomadic, when by many Americans were born and lived and died on a single plot of ground. These private domains—their familiar boundaries and family cemeteries, their rituals and legends—became precious and personal.
Blue & Gold 1910

On January 18, 2006, Julie
Hendricks Wrote: "This must be the Old Stanton,
but I sure don't remember the
spire. When Mary Harrison was first built, it was called the New
Stanton.
Old Stanton was located well above
the New, on Douglas or Elder."
For a number of years the ninth grade was
taught in connection with the public school, but the first high school
was organized in 1906. It was held in the City Hall, with Prof. Joel W.
Wilson as principal, and he has held that position for four years.
There
were 22 pupils enrolled the first year.
The second year there were two rooms built
on the public school building and the high school was held in one of
them,
with an enrollment of 24 pupils.
The third year the high school was moved
to the old schoolhouse where it was held for the next two years. There
were 16 pupils enrolled. The first graduating class was in this year,
it
consisted of four members, Aileen Hawkins (1889-1976), Ben Horning,
Esther
Copeland and Thomas P. Hawkins (1891-1970). The commencement exercises
were held at the WOW Hall (Woodsmen of the World) at the close of
school.
Supt. Ackerman was there and gave a short address to the class, after
which
he presented them with their diplomas.
The fourth year, which is just drawing to
a close, has been a very successful year, there have been 21 pupils
enrolled.
There are only two in the senior class, but they have done their part
and
worked hard to have the commencement exercises as good if not better
than
the first year.
The high school has been gaining each year
and should have every advantage for its progress. We hope that there
will
be a new building before the beginning of the school in the fall.
New Schoolhouse

By the school election notices which are
posted, we see that the proposition of voting bonds for building a new
schoolhouse is going to be submitted to the people of the Toledo
District.
The happy event of a new school building will be hailed with joy, alike
by the teachers and pupils, and more especially by the students of the
high school.
There are two features that we of the high
school should like very much to see worked into the proposed building.
The first is a clean dry basement, for
surely
those in school need some place to exercise where they will not have to
wade in the mud or be exposed to the rain on stormy days.
The second feature is a general assembly
room, so fitted out with a stage that it might be used for practicing
and
presenting school entertainments and plays. We have always been greatly
handicapped in this matter and have not done nearly as good work of
that
kind as we might have done if we had the conveniences which we needed.
Prof. Joel W. Wilson
Latin Class 1910
This year's Latin class was composed of
four
juniors at the beginning of the term, and in about two weeks a freshman
will be added. About Christmas time we lost one of our beloved juniors
but we soon gained a sophomore to fill her place.
We have a very interesting class as all
of our members are very energetic and have good lessons.
We have finished Hale’s First Book of Latin
and have begun reading Caesar's Gaelic War.
Amicitian Literature Society
The Amicitian Literature Society was
organized
by the members of Toledo High School on February 10, 1910.
The object of this society is to develop
the literary faculties of the students. It meets every Friday
afternoon.
Each time a delightful program is rendered when all the members take
part.
The officers of this society are: president Elma S. Waugh (1877-1961),
vice-president, Aileen Gaither, secretary/treasurer, Jean Bell, critic,
Joel W. Wilson. J. B. ‘13
Senior Class ‘10
This year, the first time in the history of THS, we have a high school paper. At the beginning of the year 1910, the staff was elected: editor-in-chief, Carl Gildersleeve (1883-1941), associate editors, Onda Ellsworth and Annie Hawkins. The name of Blue & Gold was chosen for the paper. Since then we have weekly edited papers which were read at the Amicitian Literature Society meetings. These were very short, since scarcely any of the pupils would contribute to them or help the editors in any way. This lack of interest threatened to give the paper its death blow but the editors decided to make a last effort and publish an annual. This is the first printed edition. The students have all worked hard for it and deserve credit. The Blue & Gold is a fixed institution now and it will probably be printed as long as THS lasts. We think that future wearers of the Blue & Gold will not be ashamed of this our first attempt at publicity.
Professor Wilson's Last Year
We understand that this will be Prof.
Wilson's
last year as teacher of THS, and also that he intends to leave Toledo
in
a short time.
Prof. Wilson will leave the town, where
for four years he has endeavored to train the minds of young men and
women
in the higher branches of learning with the best wishes of the whole
town,
for in these four years he has won the respect of all.
Especially will Prof. Wilson's absence be
felt by the pupils of THS, for never has a teacher taken such an
interest
in the sports, societies, or work of his students.
Hokey
Pokey
Tuity Fruity
Toledo High
School
Do your duty.
Don’t you worry
Don’t you fret
Toledo High
School
Will get there
yet. Seniors '10
We, the senior class of '10, though
rather
slim physically and numerically, are, nevertheless, weighty in
intellect
and energy, and not being overburdened with modesty, we propose to
"blow
our own horn" and let our works be known unto the world not "hiding our
lights under a bushel."
We are the first class to take the entire
four year course under Prof. Joel Wilson, and we trust he will have no
cause to be ashamed of us.
We have always taken an active part in all
high school work; a senior has been editor-in-chief of the Blue &
Gold,
from the time of its first publication. A senior was secretary of the
Amicitian
Literature Society during the first half of its existence. As a class
we
have taken a most active part in all amateur theatricals, one or more
of
our members having taken part in every play given by THS during the
past
four years.
Went
to high school;
Joined the
'leven.
Played one game;
Went to heaven.
Ex.
Half of our class won renown on the
gridiron
while the other half gained distinction in the classroom by original
and
unusual methods of handling the weighty proposition.
We consider ourselves justified in saying
that we are the intellectual equals of any class in THS although some
impudent
juniors have been known to insinuate that they consider themselves our
superiors in spelling.
As every member of our class has been
obliged
to be absent from school several months during the last two years, we
have
had to do extra work in the latter part of the present year. We
completed
US history, geometry, physics, English history, besides studying six
English
and one Spanish classic.
We are the last of the students who began
their high school career in the old City Hall, and, like the class of
'09,
we have journeyed wearily from place to place in the pursuit of
knowledge,
so it is small wonder that we have acquired so little.
And now the time has come for us to make
our final bow, and while we are glad to have finished our schoolwork
thus
far, we cannot but feel a deep regret as we bid farewell to dear old
THS
where we have spent four such happy years. H. H. '10
The Parable of the Fisherman
He ariseth early in the morning and disturbeth the whole household. He goeth forth full of hope and hotcakes, and when the day is far spent he returneth full of strong drink and the truth is not in him.
Sophomore Class 1912
Toledo High School opened for the fall term, September 14, 1909, with Prof. Joel Wilson as instructor. There were only two enrolled in the tenth grade, Elmer Horning and George Day, carrying four subjects, English, history, algebra, and physical geography. All went well for two months, then the ranks were broken and Elmer left us. George did not show the white feather but stuck to it faithfully, mastering the above subjects. About the last of the fourth month, Ida Olson enrolled with the tenth and the class thus enrolled finished physical geography and started plane geometry. At the beginning of the sixth month the class was again reinforced by Earl Kingsley, who started in the spring try and hold his own with the other two, and together the three struggled along until the last of the seventh month when faithful George was compelled to leave us.
We
met and missed you,
There was one
vacant chair.
When we
gathered for recitation,
There was no
Georgie there.
When Ida Olson's parents moved away from
our city, the class was again broken leaving only Earl Kingsley to try
and keep up its reputation.
The class would undoubtedly have done better
work had each member enrolled at the beginning of the term and had been
able to finish the year.
But of
all sad things
of tongue and
pen,
The saddest of
these,
"It might have
been."
A Word From the Freshies
Yes! We're only the
Freshies.
But what do we care?
We never were hazed,
Because no one would dare.
We came in a bunch
From the old grammar school.
No! We haven't much knowledge,
But then We're not fools.
We all stick together
And dare anyone,
Because if we are Freshies,
Why then be a pun?
We're always on hand
To root at the games.
We're only the Freshies;
You don't know our names.
They won't come out
Till three years from now,
Till we all graduate
And show people how.
So here is a pointer
On what we will mold
A class that's a credit
To the old Blue & Gold. E. G. '13
Freshman Class 1913
The freshman started out this year with a
class of nine, and during the next three months this number was
increased
to 11, but it was not long that it remained so.
Beulah Dickinson and Lucy Sawdon first found
it necessary to leave, but about the same time Lena M. Ball and Jack
Ross
(1891-1944) began and so kept the class up to the standard. However, it
seemed as though the class was doomed to lose two of its number for
Jack
did not go but one month and Lena stopped in February.
Lola Bartholomew quit December 1, and Donald
Stewart followed her example.
Joel Booth started in March. He had taken
only algebra, bookkeeping and literature.
Eleanor Grady, who is not a full fledged
high school student, has taken history, literature, and bookkeeping.
Jean Bell of Pioneer, and Wilma Gesler of
Elk City have been here at this term and we hope to have them with us
again
next year.
Edith Ball and Aileen Gaither are the only
ones who graduated from the Toledo Public School who have gone all
winter.
We have taken botany, algebra, bookkeeping,
history and rhetoric. With rhetoric we have taken the following
classics,
Iliad, Vision of Sir Launfal, Merchant Of Venice and Lays of Ancient
Rome.
We all hope to be sophomores next year and
do good work. A. G. ‘13
Junior Class 1911
We the junior class of '10 do not wish to
be overlooked, and we desire to remind you that we have taken a most
active
part in all the high school work.
Two of our members are assistant editors
of the Blue & Gold. A junior has been president of the Amicitian
Literary
Society since its organization. One junior has an important part in the
high school play which will be given at the commencement exercises, and
a junior woman is leader of the high school rooters for the high school
football team.
We have always been energetic and studious
and are far better spellers than the seniors. We have worked harder
this
year than any previous year since entering high school.
We have completed algebra, English history,
solid geometry, botany, English literature and The First Book of Latin,
and are now reading Caesar's classics, Iliad, Canterbury Tales, Lays of
Ancient Rome, The Ancient Mariner, Paradise Lost and Hamlet.
We were very sorry when we lot one of our
classmates, who left us to enter the Newport High School.
We are sorry to bid the senior class adieu
but we find consolation in the thought that we will be the senior class
of '11 and we hope to have the honor of being the first class to
graduate
from the new school building. E. W. '11
Student Body
The members of THS organized a student body in 1910. Carl Gildersleeve was elected president; Aileen Gaither, secretary/treasurer. One meeting was called, a committee was appointed for decorating the hall. Hester Hill was appointed chairwoman of the committee. Committee for decorating curtains: Annie Hawkins, chairwoman, Onda Ellsworth and Wilma Gesler. Committee for decorating hall: Elma Waugh, chairwoman, Aileen Gaither, Edith Ball, Jean Bell and Eleanor Grady. W. G. '13
Athletics
Last year we had the football
championship
of the county. We hope to hold it this year. Although we lost some good
players, their place will be more than filled by new men whom we expect
from certain outlaying districts. We expect to compete this fall with
several
Willamette Valley teams and with the material at hand we think we can
win
some honors in these contests.
A. H. Weber, the former Albany star, will
coach our team next year. He has a reputation for good work in all his
coaching. Weber was a star at Albany in the days of its glory, when
Templeton
was their captain, and they made such holes in the University of Oregon
banner.
The THS football team of '10 was the best
we have had in the history of the school.
We won the championship of the county. Our
team was never scored against by a county team. Our main trouble was
getting
games, only three with county team, one with the Siletz and two with
Newport.
We scored 12 points against Siletz, Hawkins making a touchdown from a
fumble
and Goodell making one on a fake punt.
Against Newport we were able to add only
five points to our list in two games, Sturdevant making a touchdown on
a line back.
On Thanksgiving Day we played a "no score"
game with Newport on the Newport grounds.
We met our only defeat at the hands of
Independence.
It was quite a coincidence that we scored 17 points during the season
and
also had 17 scored against us, that being the score of the Independence
game.
We not only had a strong back field but
also a "stonewall" line. Very few times did any team make yardage
through
our line.
Those who saw the game will not soon forget
Sturdevant's playing at fullback. He was especially good at throwing
the
long forward passes, though he could hit the line like a trip hammer
when
it was necessary.
Capt. Goodell and Ofstedahl as halves played
star games in either offensive or defensive work but were both unlucky
in getting hurt. Ofstedahl being hurt in the first game and Goodell in
the game with Independence.
However they were never both out of the
game at the same time, and the vacant place was filled by Chauncy
Hawkins
who proved himself to be as good as the man whose place he filled.
Pickles Gildersleeve, a quarter, although
almost too light for football, was as gritty as they make 'em and never
hesitated in tackling his man and seldom missed him.
Plank at right end and Kirkland at left
were also rather light but showed themselves well able to hold their
own
with any team ends in the spring county.
Hoeflein, center; Nye and McJunkin, guards;
Thomas Hawkins and George Day, tackles, were as strong an aggregation
as
could be wished for. In no game did they play against a line as light
as
themselves, but they did not seem to mind that in the least.
The indications for a team next season are
far better than they were last, and we should be able to put out a much
stronger 11, as they will be a larger number to pick from. E. B. '13
Up to the present, the development of
basketball
has not been very rapid owing to the fact that we have had no suitable
hall. This year, a fine hall is being built here for such purposes and
as we have several old stars here to coach, and numerous former
players,
we have every reason to hope for a fine team.
The high school baseball team is late this
spring in getting to work—not having played as yet but we expect it to
be a winner. We hope that another year they will get an earlier start
and
get into the swing with the other teams.
We’ll Cheer For Old Toledo
Oh! We'll cheer for
Old Toledo—
For the town of which you've read,
And we'll cheer for Old Toledo
In our coffins when we're dead.
And when we get to heaven,
We will give Toledo's yell,
And those who aren't so fortunate
Will give it down in—!
Cheer, boys, cheer!
Toledo's got the ball.
Cheer, boys, cheer!
And won’t they take a fall.
For when we hit that line
There will be no line at all.
There'll be a hot time
In Toledo tonight.
The Boys of Summer
It’s unusual that a town the size of
Newport
has hosted two professional baseball players in its history. Stranger
still
is both players had the same last name—and apparently weren't related!
There is not a great deal of information
about the two ballplayers, Edward Parke Coleman and Curtis Hancock
Coleman.
This is what we know to date:
Edward Coleman was born in 1901 in Canby.
Though not known for certain, it seems likely his father was a well
respected
grade school teacher named Philip Louis Coleman (1869-1927). About
1914,
Edward moved to Newport with his father and his mother, Carrie. Edward
had two half-brothers, Ralph and Glen, and a sister, Emma. A 1921
Newport
High School yearbook reveals Edward served as the school's athletic
manager
and played on the basketball and football teams. Newport High did not
have
a baseball team.
Despite the lack of high school baseball,
Coleman went on to play the game professionally for four seasons with
the
Philadelphia Athletics.
His last season (1936) was spent playing
for the Saint Louis Browns. In the 312 games of his five-year career,
Edward
played outfield. His career batting average was a respectable .285.
A brief April 1937 article in the Newport
newspaper reported, "Ed Coleman, formerly of Newport, who has been
playing
in the outfield for the Saint Louis Browns, is working out with the
pitching
staff since reporting to spring practice."
Apparently his pitching did not work out.
According to a player register, Edward did not play in the 1937 season.
Edward died in Oregon City in 1964.
Curtis Coleman was born in Salem, in 1887.
He played baseball at the University of Oregon, the in the Coast League
for a Tacoma club. In 1912, he played professionally for three seasons
for a team called the New York Highlanders.
This team later became known as the Yankees.
Coleman's time with the Yankees predated Babe Ruth (1895-1948).
In his own words, Curtis hit "just
fair"—about
2.84. He grew homesick and returned to Saint Paul to farm. Upon his
retirement
in 1964, Curtis moved to Newport and settled into a small Nye Beach
cabin.
He and his Spouse, Irene, lived out his years there. His nephew, the
late
Dick Gearing, helped look after Curtis. Before his death in 1980 at age
93, Curtis had been the oldest living former Yankee.
Track
The track team has been hard at work for some time but find to our disappointment that the state inter-high school meet will not be held this year. As there is no local talent in their class, it is likely they will disband soon. T. H., '09
David and Goliath Up-to-Date
And so David's pa comes up to him where
he
was working in the field and says: "Dave, you had better go up to the
house.
Your Ma is anxious about the other boys fighting in the army; hasn't
heard
from them by phone or anything, and she'd like you to look them up."
So Dave hops on the trolley and hikes to
the front, and stays there with his brother over night. In the morning,
old Goliath comes out in front of the Philistines and Israelites and
challenges
them to fight him.
"Who's that big stuff making all that big
talk out there?" says Dave.
"Why, that's the head cheese, the big
noise,"
says his brothers.
“Why don't someone soak him one?" asks Dave.
"We've all got cold feet," says the
Israelites.
"You fellers make me tired," says Dave,
and he hikes out to the brook, gets four pebbles in his sack, slams one
at Goliath and soaks him on the coco, between the lamps. Goliath goes
to
the mat, takes the count, and Dave pokes him in the slats, chops off
his
block, and the whole Philistine gang skidooed.
Three Courses of Study at Toledo High School
1) This is the regular four year course and is open to all who have a diploma from the eighth grade. The colleges and the university give full credit on diploma from this course:
• Freshman Year: English, algebra, bookkeeping one half year, general history, and botany one half year.
• Sophomore Year: English, algebra one half year, physical geography, plane geometry one half year, and general history.
• Junior Year: English literature, plane geometry one half year, physics, solid geometry one half year and Latin.
• Senior Year: American literature, US history, Latin and political economy.
2) This course is open to anyone who is far enough advanced to take the commercial course:
• First Year: grammar, classics, algebra, drawing, and bookkeeping or stenography.
• Second Year: rhetoric, classics, algebra one half year, geometry one half year, commercial law and bookkeeping or stenography.
3) This course is designed for those who have taught and want to prepare for state papers:
• First Year: physics, algebra, bookkeeping, rhetoric, and physical geography.
• Second Year: botany, plane geometry, psychology, general history and English literature.
Country Editor's Lament
How'd you like to
be the editor,
And in the
sanctum roost;
And skim through old
exchanges,
And write for
Jones a boost;
And give Young Sport a
calling down
Old Skads a
ripping up,
Describe Mrs. Dash's
new silk gown,
And praise Bill
Syke's bull pup?
To take in three odd
dollars
And pay out
sixteen more,
To scheme to make two
dollars;
Do the work of
four;
To clip and paste
And sweat and
swear,
And in your pants
Some big holes
wear,
To cuss your luck
And write hot
stuff,
Be slow to anger
Quick to bluff,
Dun old subscribers
Never get blue,
Go chase up news
At 7:02?
I think it is just
lovely,
And so, no
doubt, do you?

WebmasteR
Early Words and
Sermons (1): An Online Ministry of Rev. Marilyn A. Riedel
Early Words and
Sermons (2)
Early Words and
Sermons (3)



Introduction by Rev. Marilyn A. Riedel I II
Dobbie Obituaries and Letters